East German Report on First Interkit Meeting in Moscow, December 1967

R e p o r t
About a Meeting of Representatives from the International Departments of Seven Fraternal Parties from Socialist Countries on Policy of the Mao Zedong Group between 14 and 21 December 1967 in Moscow (CPSU, SED, PUWP, CPC, HSWP, BCP, MPRP)

I.

Following an invitation by the CPSU Central Committee, a meeting was held from 14 to 21 December 1967 in Moscow between representatives of some fraternal parties from socialist countries about the situation in the PR China and in the Communist Chinese Party (CCP). In preparation of the meeting the CPSU had forwarded to all participants a draft of an assessment about the Mao Zedong Group's policy and the situation in the PR China. SEC, CPC, HSWP and PUWP also provided the other participants with according material. Following a CPSU proposal, participants agreed to define the meeting as internal.

According to decision # 35/67 from 5 December 1967 made by the Politburo of the SED Central Committee (CC) the following comrades participated in the meeting as representatives of the SED:

- Paul Markowski, Candidate of the SED Central Committee, Head of International Relations Department of SED CC

- Heinz Bauer, Staff Member of SED CC

- Bruno Mahlow, Staff Member of SED CC

Among others, members of the CPSU delegation were: Comrade [Aleksei] Rumiantsev, Member of CPSU CC and Vice President of the USSR Academy of Sciences; Comrade [Oleg] Rakhmanin, Deputy Head of the Department for Relations with Fraternal Parties of Socialist Countries; Professor [Mikhail] Sladkovskii, Director of the Far East Institute of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The other fraternal parties were represented by the heads and deputy heads of International Relations Departments.

According to a proposal made by the Soviet comrades the following agenda was agreed:

1. Compilation of a joint assessment in form of working material about the situation in the PR China and the policy of the Mao Zedong Group.

2. Oral exchange of information about these issues.

3. Exchange of opinions about the future course of the confrontation with the Mao Zedong Group's Policy, also about how to coordinate research activities and the exchange of information in this field.

A protocol was drafted concerning the convocation of the meeting (Appendix # 1 [not included]). As another result of the meeting, the attached assessment was passed (Appendix # 2 [not included]). In addition, proposals made by individual participants on how to proceed in the future were compiled for the CC with the recommendation to comment on them (Appendix # 3 [not included]).

Already before the meeting began, it was apparent how the Soviet comrades were attributing extraordinary high importance to the undertaking. As evident in later statements by Comrades [Mikhail] Suslov and [Boris] Ponomarev, as well as by Comrade Rumiantsev, the Soviet comrades currently view the determined struggle for a complete and comprehensive unmasking of Mao Zedong Ideology as extremely important. They base these perspectives on the assumption that the planned IX CCP Congress will create, under the label of a Chinese Communist Party, a party completely alien to Marxism-Leninism and molded in the shape of Mao Zedong's ideology and personal will. This could result in a new, even more dangerous situation within the communist world movement. Furthermore, the Soviet comrades showed grave concern over the intensification of the anti-Soviet and aggressive course by Chinese leaders. Its consequences are still unforeseeable.

Moreover, in the context of preparations for the World Conference of Communist and Workers Parties a continuous and consequent ideological debate with positions and actions of the Mao Zedong Group is of great importance for solidifying the unity and cohesion of communist and workers parties.

At the beginning of the meeting, the Polish comrades became very active in arguing against drafting a joint assessment. They demanded the meeting to become a non-committal exchange of information. Their main argument was, if this internal meeting becomes known, it will have negative impacts on preparing the consultative meeting in Budapest and a new world conference: By all means there must be no jointly agreed document, as it could be interpreted as forming a faction. Furthermore, the Polish comrades doubted whether it is possible to arrive at an exact analysis of the current situation in the PR China and the Mao Zedong Group's policy.

The CPC comrades also had certain reservations. At the beginning of meetings they were open to the Polish comrades' positions. Thus already before the conference, the Soviet comrades harbored certain doubts whether one would arrive at a joint assessment.

From the onset our delegation acted according to the SED Politburo decision. It opted for working toward a joint drafting of an assessment and talked accordingly to the other delegations. Polish concerns were successfully addressed, and the meeting proceeded in an overall constructive and comradely atmosphere.

During the drafting of the joint assessment proposals made by our delegation were met with full support. Our suggestions for amendments were incorporated in the document.

II.

During the meeting we had an interesting exchange of information on the current situation in the PR China, on the history of the CCP and the emergence of Mao Zedong Ideology, on the state of bilateral relations with the PR China, and on the international splitting activities by the Mao Zedong Group.

The CPSU comrades provided extensive information on Soviet-Chinese relations and emphasized the dangerous aggravation of the situation at the Chinese-Soviet border. They informed about major efforts by the Chinese leaders to spread disinformation within the Soviet public through massive radio propaganda, and also noted other attempts to infiltrate the Soviet Union with Mao Zedong Ideology. The Director of the Far Eastern Institute of the USSR Academy of Sciences [Sladkovskii] gave a historical overview of the CCP's development. He proved how Mao Zedong placed himself at the helm of the CCP with schemes and violent methods, and how he always had fought a fierce struggle against internationalist forces and Marxist-Leninist members of the CCP leadership. Sladkovskii outlined the traditionally strident anti-Soviet positions of Mao Zedong. The Soviet comrades characterized the destruction of friendship between the Soviet and Chinese people as one of Mao Zedong's gravest crimes.

Comrade Sladkovskii informed that the Soviet Union is working on a five-volume history of the CCP. Comrade Rumiantsev provided an assessment of Mao Zedong Ideology as it becomes apparent from a six-volume edition of Mao Zedong's works. He informed that the Russian edition of these works was edited by Comrade [Pavel] Iudin so that many anti-Marxist, non-scientific, and anti-Leninist positions of Mao Zedong were corrected. Notwithstanding this, an overall analysis of Mao Zedong's existing work shows how he had never completely adopted a Marxist-Leninist basis. His nationalistic, anti-Marxist, and petit-bourgeois-anarchist positions permeate his entire oeuvre. Such gets confirmed when one compares these theoretical positions with Mao Zedong's practical policy.

The Soviet comrades provided the participants of the meeting with many written materials, such as a compilation of biographies from all the important people in the CCP and the PR China (Who is Who); a manuscript version of statements by Comrades Sladkovskii and Rumiantsev; separate material on anarchist streaks in Mao Zedong Ideology; letters by Chinese internationalists to the CPSU CC for the occasion of the 50th Anniversary of the Great Socialist October Revolution; material about splittist activities by the Mao Zedong Group in the communist world movement, in the national liberation movement, and in international organizations; an assessment of the current economic situation in the PR China; material on violations by the PR China of principles of Marxist-Leninist policies toward nationalities.

The Polish comrades informed about some aspects of Chinese-American relations based on an analysis of ambassadorial talks in Switzerland and in Warsaw. This information revealed how certain agreements between the governments of both countries had been reached, like for instance the return of prominent Chinese nuclear physicists from the U.S. to the PR China, or about the situation in Southeast Asian territories etc.

Our delegation informed about the state of relations between GDR and PR China, the development of relations between West Germany and the PR China in particular in economic respects, and the splittist activities by the Mao Zedong Group in West Germany. We also provided for discussion a presentation about how the Chinese question was handled by the Comintern.


III.

There was consent during the meeting that confronting the policy and ideology of the Mao Zedong Group represents a basis question of decisive importance for the defense of Marxism-Leninism, the unity of the communist world movement, and cooperation with the national-revolutionary liberation movement. A plethora of proposals were made to maintain a regular and coordinated exchange of information, to coordinate research activities, and to consult each other about the ongoing policy of the Mao Zedong Group and the fight against its ideology and splittist activity.