Kim Il Sung, 'Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Fifth Congress of the Workers’ Party of Korea'

Comrades,

Nine years have elapsed since the Fourth Congress of our Party which unfolded a magnificent programme of socialist construction. This has been a period of grim ordeal in which very complex and difficult circumstances were created in our revolution and construction, and a proud period in which revolutionary events of great historic significance took place in our people's onward movement towards socialism and communism.

During the period under review, our Party, valiantly breaking through manifold hardships and obstacles, convened in good time a Conference and Plenary Meetings in conformity to the changes in the situation and put forward original strategic and tactical policies for successfully promoting the Korean revolution as a whole and skillfully organized and mobilized the masses of the people to their implementation.

Thanks to the wise leadership of the Party, great victories and results have been attained on all fronts of socialist construction and the revolutionary base of the northern half of the Republic has been consolidated as firm as a rock.

In South Korea the revolutionary advance of the broad masses of the people including workers, peasants, student youths and intellectuals has gained momentum under the impact of the brilliant results of socialist construction in the northern half of the Republic, and the colonial rule of the U.S. imperialists is shaken to its very foundation.

During the period under review, our Party has waged a dynamic struggle, holding aloft the banner of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, the revolutionary banner of anti-imperialist, anti-U.S. struggle, and thereby enhanced the international position of our country still further and contributed greatly to the general advancement of the international revolutionary movement.

Our Party, through an arduous struggle for the revolution and construction, has grown and strengthened into a militant party which is capable of weathering out any violent storm, into an invincible revolutionary party the whole membership of which is closely knit together with one idea and purpose around the Party Central Committee and maintains kindred ties with the popular masses.

Today we are greeting the Fifth Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea, the organizer and inspirer of all victories of our people, with a deep conviction about the justness of our cause and with a high pride and glory in the great achievements made by our people under the leadership of the Party. All our Party members and working people, our overseas compatriots, and our close friends in foreign countries warmly congratulate this Congress and wish it success in its work.

This Congress will mark another milestone in our Party's struggle to further consolidate and develop the socialist system in our country, powerfully support the revolutionary struggle of the South Korean people and materialize the independent unification of the fatherland and to cement the international solidarity of our revolution, and will forcefully encourage and inspire our Party members and the entire Korean people to a new, greater victory.

1. Great Results

Comrades,

The Fourth Congress of our Party summed up the historic victory in the building of the foundations of socialism and adopted the magnificent programme of the Seven-Year Plan the main task of which was to carry out all-round technical reconstruction and cultural revolution and radically improve the people's living on the strength of the established socialist system, and vigorously roused the entire people to the struggle for its realization.

All our Party members and working people, with hope and confidence in a bright future, rose in the struggle to carry out the new, militant programme set forth at the Party Congress and successfully carried the grand Seven-Year Plan into effect, performing fresh innovations and miracles every day.

However, over the past few years our revolution and construction were faced with great difficulties and hardships as the aggressive manoeuvrings of the U.S. imperialists became undisguised and as a complicated situation was brought about in the international communist movement. This urgently demanded our Party to arm the entire people firmly with the revolutionary ideas of Marxism-Leninism and, especially, lead them to make thoroughgoing politico-ideological preparations for coping with war, and at the same time, direct great additional efforts to strengthening the nation's defence power even if it called for some readjustment of the tempo of the development of the national economy, and thus possess a strong national defence power that would make it possible to defend the security of the country and the people reliably.

The Party held a historic Conference in October 1966, where it took steps to solidly build up our revolutionary ranks politically and ideologically and reorganize the whole work of socialist construction in conformity with the requirements of the prevailing situation and advanced a new revolutionary line of carrying on economic construction and defence upbuilding in parallel to increase the nation’s defence capabilities for meeting the intensified aggressive manoeuvrings of the enemy and, thereby, decided to put off the fulfilment of the Seven-Year Plan for three years.

The ensuing developments have clearly showed that the measures taken by the Party were in full accord with the fundamental interests of our revolution and that they were daring, active and very wise measures for meeting the changing situation. All our Party members and working people, true to the new revolutionary line put forward by the Party, have waged a heroic fight on the two fronts of economic construction and defence upbuilding and fulfilled the Seven-Year Plan creditably, achieved a rock-firm politico-ideological unity of the whole society and built up the whole country into a strong fortress so that it can stand up against any surprise invasion of the enemy.

1. Conversion into a Socialist Industrial State

Comrades,

The greatest achievement made in socialist construction during the period under review is that our country has been converted into a socialist industrial state as a result of the splendid fulfilment of the historic task of socialist industrialization.

Socialist industrialization was a matter of pressing urgency in reinforcing the established socialist system and furthering socialist construction in the northern half of the Republic and was the most cardinal task of the Seven-Year Plan.

Relying on the foundations of an independent national industry and the material basis laid for equipping all branches of the national economy with up-to-date techniques already in the period of the Five-Year Plan, our Party saw that a powerful struggle was unrolled in the Seven-Year Plan period to build an independent modern industry which is comprehensively developed, possessed of a solid raw-material base of its own and equipped with new techniques and to effect the all-round technical reconstruction of the national economy.

In accordance with the correct policy of the Party, industry developed very rapidly and its look changed radically during the Seven-Year Plan.

Thanks to the successful carrying out of the Seven-Year Plan in the field of industry, this year gross industrial output value will increase 11.6 times as against 1956-13.3 times in the production of the means of production and 9.3 times in consumer goods. This means that industrial production grew at a high rate of 19.1 per cent on an annual average over the whole period of industrialization from 1957 to 1970. Today our industry makes only in 12 days as much industrial products as was turned out in the pre-liberation year of 1944.

Industry as a whole has developed at a high rate and, particularly, heavy industry has advanced very speedily.

In the Seven-Year Plan period our Party saw to it that emphasis was laid primarily on the work of improving and reinforcing the key branches of heavy industry and, at the same time, an extensive work was carried out to expand and consolidate the heavy-industry bases. As a result of the implementation of the Party's policy our heavy industry developed into a fully-equipped one with its own powerful machine-building industry as the core and its might increased beyond compare during the period under review.

The biggest success made in the building of heavy industry is the establishment of our own machine-building industry which is the basis for the development of the national economy and technical progress.

Thanks to the great efforts directed by the Party to the development of the machine-building industry in the Seven-Year Plan period, our country which could not make even simple farm implements properly before the liberation is now in a position to manufacture large-size machines, such as 6,000-ton presses, heavy-duty lorries, large-size tractors, large-size excavators, large-size bulldozers, electric and diesel locomotives, and large-size vessels of 5,000-ton class, and precision machines, and produce not only separate units of machines and equipment but also complete sets of equipment for modern factories.

In the Seven-Year Plan period alone, our engineering industry has produced and supplied aggregate plants for more than 100 modern factories such as power stations and metallurgical and chemical factories.

The power bases of the country, too, have been further consolidated to meet the demands of the rapid industrial development and all-round technical revolution. Giant hydro- and thermo-power plants were built during the Seven-Year Plan, with the result that the total generating capacity of our country has grown markedly, the onesidedness of the power industry which had relied exclusively upon hydraulic power has been eliminated and the nation's power bases consolidated qualitatively.

Rapid development of the ferrous metallurgical industry was one of the important tasks in realizing overall industrialization. In the Seven-Year Plan period the existing iron-producing bases were expanded and a new iron works was built in the western region, with the result that the pig and granulated iron production capacity has increased and the independence of the iron industry strengthened, and the production of steel, rolled steel in particular, made a rapid progress and a number of second-stage metal-processing branches have been newly founded. The ferrous metallurgical industry of our country has now grown into a powerful industrial domain equipped with perfect production processes from the production of pig iron to the production of steel, rolled steel and goods of second-stage metal processing, and it satisfies for itself the demands for various kinds of metal materials needed for the development of the national economy.

The look of the chemical industry has likewise changed fundamentally. During the period of industrialization the bases of chemical-fertilizer production were reinforced and a new branch producing agricultural chemicals and branches producing vinalon and other synthetic fibres and synthetic resins came into being, with the result that powerful bases of the organic chemical industry as well as the inorganic chemical industry have been laid in our country, rendering it possible to accelerate chemicalization for the national economy more vigorously.

An expeditious progress has also been made in the coal industry, ore-mining industry, building materials industry and in other branches of heavy industry.

This year our heavy industry will turn out 16,500,000,000 kwh of electricity, 27,500,000 tons of coal, 2,200,000 tons of steel, 1,500,000 tons of chemical fertilizers and 4,000,000 tons of cement.

Our heavy industry with the powerful machine building industry as its core reliably guarantees the political and economic independence of the country and, as the solid material foundation for a faster development of the national economy, displays great might in developing light industry and the rural economy and augmenting the nation's defence power.

Epochal headway has been made in the development of light industry, too. The Party, firmly maintaining the policy of developing large-scale central industries and medium- and small-scale local industries in parallel in the production of popular consumption goods, saw to it in the Seven-Year Plan period that new up-to-date factories of central light industry were set up and, at the same time, a lot of local-industry factories were built with locally available reserves and that the technical reconstruction of local industry was pushed ahead actively in keeping with the development of heavy industry. As a result, our country now has all branches of light industrial production including the textile industry capable of turning out more than

400 million metres of high-quality fabrics a year, the foodstuff industry and the daily-necessaries industry, and there have been established up-to-date light-industry bases which can meet by their own production the demands of the working people for consumer goods ranging from drapery to goods for cultural use.

As it advanced at a fast speed and its size expanded, industry came to play a more decisive role in the production of gross social produce and the national income. The share of industry in the total industrial and agricultural output value rose from 34 per cent in 1956 to 74 per cent in 1969 and the share of industry in the national income gained in the domains of industry and agriculture increased from 25 to 65 per cent in the same period.

Further, there has been a marked rise in the per capita output of major manufactured goods which is an important index to the economic might and level of industrial development of a nation. This year the per capita output of our country will be 1,184 kwh in electricity, 1,975 kilogrammes in coal, 158 kilogrammes in steel, 108 kilogrammes in chemical fertilizers and 287 kilogrammes in cement. This shows that our country has reached the level of advanced industrial countries in the per capita output of major industrial products and surpassed them in some items.

The task of overall technical revolution has also been carried to success in every field of the national economy thanks to the powerful heavy-industry bases of our own. With the development of the machine-building industry and other heavy industries, the technical equipment has been improved fundamentally in all domains of the national economy and electrification and automation effected in the national economy extensively.

The technical reconstruction of the rural economy has been realized successfully with the powerful support of heavy industry.

The Party has directed great efforts to the technical reorganization of the rural economy in keeping with the policy put forth at its Fourth Congress and, particularly, along the path illumined by the "Theses on the Socialist Rural Question in Our Country" adopted at the Eighth Plenary Meeting of the Fourth Central Committee of the Party in 1964, and brought about brilliant successes in this field.

The greatest success gained in the rural technical revolution during the period under review is the completion of irrigation.

We carried on irrigation works on a large scale while effectively utilizing the existing irrigation facilities, thereby completed the irrigation of paddy fields and effected even the irrigation of dry fields in no small measure. Also, much effort was made by the state for draining projects in the past few years, with the result that major rice-producing areas of our country are now completely free from the damage of standing water. River improvement projects, dyke projects for controlling tide-water and afforestation works were undertaken extensively in all parts of the country and paddy and dry fields and crops were better protected against natural calamities. Consequently, during the period under review there has been established in our country a perfect system of irrigation that always ensures rich and stable harvests whatever drought or flood may visit.

The Party put up mechanization as the most central task in the rural technical revolution during the Seven-Year Plan and fought actively to carry it out. During the period under review, farm-machine stations, the bases of rural mechanization, increased considerably and they were set up in every city and county of our country and many up-to-date farm machines were introduced in the countryside. The number of tractors serving the rural economy grew 3.3 times, and lorries 6.4 times in the period from

1961 to 1969, and various kinds of new farm machines were devised and manufactured, so that more farm work could be done by machines.

The task of electrification in the countryside has also been performed with credit during the Seven-Year Plan. A struggle was widely unfolded to see that there is no ri and farm-house without electric supply. As a result, in our country every ri is supplied with electricity and every farm household has electric lights today. In the countryside, electricity is used widely not only in the home life of peasants but as power for machines and as heat-source in agricultural production. At present, the annual consumption of electricity in the countryside amounts to 1,000,000,000 kwh, which is spent mostly on production. In view of the power output of our country the proportion of electricity consumed in the countryside is very large, and our country has already attained the level of the world's advanced countries in the field of rural electrification.

Big progress has been registered in the chemicalization of agriculture as well. The amount of chemical fertilizers applied per chongbo of paddy and dry fields was 3.2 times last year over 1960 and their qualitative composition, too, improved markedly. Besides, with an increased amount of agricultural chemicals sprayed, crops were protected more efficiently against damage from blights and insect pests, and the countryside was supplied with a considerable amount of highly effective herbicides.

All branches of agricultural production advanced apace as the rural technical revolution progressed successfully.

Despite certain fluctuations in agricultural production caused by the unusually severe natural calamities which continually hit our country over the past few years, we reaped a good harvest every year, and this year, too, have gathered in a big bumper harvest. In our country, the food problem has now been solved completely and there has been laid the firm basis of grain production which will make it possible to develop all other domains of the rural economy more speedily. With the solid material and technical foundations laid for stockbreeding, the animal husbandry of our country has entered a new path of development on the basis of up-to-date technology. Especially, there has been a great turn in the development of the poultry industry in the past few years, and now we can produce over 700 million eggs and large quantities of chicken every year by industrial methods.

The electrification of railways is one of the major achievements made in the technical reconstruction of the national economy. During the Seven Year Plan the 850 kilometre-long railway sections have newly been electrified and the electrification of the major trunk lines has been completed in the main.

All this shows that the historic task of socialist industrialization in our country has been carried out splendidly and our country, once a colonial agrarian country far removed from modern technical civilization, has turned into a socialist industrial state possessed of a modern industry and developed agriculture.

Comrades,

The course of the implementation of the Party's line of industrialization was by no means a royal road; there were not a few obstacles and hardships that had to be overcome by our people who turned out to build a modern industry and carry into effect the technical reconstruction of the national economy.

We took over a negligible colonial industry from the old society and even that was destroyed severely owing to the war ignited by the U.S. imperialist aggressors. During the postwar Three-Year Plan the task of rehabilitation and construction of the war-ravaged national economy was fulfilled with success, but the colonial lopsidedness of industry was not fully eradicated and the foundations of heavy industry were extremely weak. We had limited funds, insufficient raw and other materials and small technical force. Moreover, we had to wage a struggle to materialize industrialization and the technical reconstruction of the national economy in the very much complicated internal and external situations of our revolution, and especially under the strained conditions where the U.S. imperialists occupying South Korea and their stooges ceaselessly intensified their manoeuvrings to provoke war.

The Party, however, carried forward the line of socialist industrialization without the slightest vacillation and correctly led our people to display the revolutionary spirit of self-reliance and solve with their own efforts all the difficult and intricate problems arising in building a modern industry and realizing the technical reconstruction of the national economy.

All the working people of our country, upholding the Party's line, unanimously rose in the struggle for the materialization of the socialist industrialization of the country and the technical reconstruction of the national economy. In response to the Party's call of "Let us dash forward at the speed of Chollima!" our heroic working class and the entire working people waged an indefatigable fight to implement the Party's line of industrialization, smashing passivism and conservatism standing in the way of their advance and surmounting all hardships and difficulties.

Thanks to the Party's correct line of industrialization, its wise guidance for the implementation of the line and to the heroic and devoted labour struggle of our people, the difficult and complex task of industrialization which took capitalist countries a full century and even a few centuries has been creditably accomplished in our country in a very short period of only 14 years.

The conversion into a sociality industrial state—this is a great event of historic significance in the struggle to step up the building of socialism and communism in our country and attain a nationwide victory for the Korean revolution.

As a result of the accomplishment of socialist industrialization, our country has been provided with the firm material and technical foundations of socialism and has come to fully satisfy on its own the demands of economic construction, defence upbuilding and the people's life for industrial products and agricultural produce. The conversion of our country into an industrial state through the realization of industrialization has fortified our revolutionary base more impregnably and provided a solid asset for strong support to the revolutionary struggle of the South Korean people and for the unification of the fatherland and its future prosperity.

With the founding of an independent modern industry and the equipping of all the domains of the national economy including agriculture with modern techniques, our country has finally done away with its economic and technical backwardness, the vestige of the old society, and joined the ranks of advanced countries of the world as a full-fledged member and our people, freed forever from the former position in which they had been subjected to all sorts of humiliation and contempt for their backward economy, have become able to enter the international arena with pride as a mighty and advanced nation on an equality with all the big and small nations of the world.

2. Achievements in the Cultural Revolution

Comrades,

The cultural revolution presented itself as a question of great importance in our country which had once been a backward colonial, semi-feudal state. The Party has consistently devoted profound attention to putting an end to cultural backwardness handed down from the old society and to rapidly developing a new, socialist national culture, and has done much work in this field especially in the Seven-Year Plan period.

In carrying out the cultural revolution the Party attached primary importance to public education and the training of national cadres and gave them priority over other work, and took a series of radical measures to bring up the younger generation into able builders of socialism and communism and to train large numbers of technicians and specialists in keeping with the swift tempo of the technical revolution.

The greatest success achieved in the work of public education during the period under review was the introduction of universal compulsory nine-year technical education. Based on the further consolidation of the successes achieved under the compulsory secondary education system which had already been introduced, our Party effected the universal compulsory nine-year technical education in 1967. As a result, all the youth and children in our country from the age of eight up to seventeen have been made to receive free and compulsory technical education at regular schools. The compulsory nine-year technical education, as a full embodiment of the Marxist-Leninist theory on education, is the most advanced educational system that closely blends general education with basic technical education, education with productive labour.

While carrying compulsory nine-year technical education into effect, we have directed deep attention to improving the contents and methods of education. Thanks to the correct educational policy of the Party, our socialist pedagogy has been further perfected, Juche and the working-class line have been definitely established in school education, and the scientific and theoretical levels of education have been elevated still higher.

By the benefit of compulsory nine-year technical education, the new generation in our country today are all reliably growing into a new communist type of men of all-round developments, into able builders of a new society, who are firmly armed with the Juche idea of our Party and possessed of ample general knowledge and the basic knowledge of modern science and technology. With people of the new generation who have obtained compulsory nine-year technical education joining all fronts of socialist construction in vast numbers, the ranks of educated labouring people are steadily growing and the general technical and cultural levels of our society are rising higher.

The introduction of the compulsory nine-year technical education-this constitutes another great victory of the educational policy of our Party and marks an epochal progress in the carrying out of the cultural revolution in our country.

The realities of rapid socialist construction demanded more technicians and specialists. In view of the practical requirements of socialist construction our Party continued to exert great efforts to bring up technicians and specialists and won many successes in this field, too. During the period under review, the number of universities and colleges increased from 78 to 129, and 376 higher technical schools were newly set up to bring up technicians and specialists in large numbers. Along with the regular system of higher education, various forms of higher educational system for learning while working made further progress.

Today more than 497,000 engineers, assistant engineers and specialists or 4.3 times as against

1960 are working in various fields of the national economy; and state and economic organs, scientific and cultural institutions, modern factories and enterprises and co-operative farms in our country are excellently managed and operated by their talents and efforts.

Thanks to the correct educational policy of the Party, comprehensive bases of training cadres have been firmly built up in all localities of our country. At present our country has more than one higher technical school or high school for each country, factory colleges in major industrial districts, and agricultural colleges, medical colleges, normal colleges, teacher’s training colleges, kindergarteners' colleges, communist colleges and various other colleges in all provinces. Thus all the localities are successfully training necessary technical personnel, Party functionaries and state administrative personnel to suit their specific conditions.

As they have come to meet their own demand for cadres in the main, the localities have eliminated the previous limitations of relying on the central authorities for cadres and they are in a position to tackle their tasks in socialist construction more satisfactorily by their own efforts. The establishment of the comprehensive cadre-training bases in localities has a great significance also in evenly raising the cultural levels of all areas of the country. As the bases of the cultural revolution, the colleges and higher technical schools widely distributed in provincial and county seats and all other localities contribute greatly to introducing modern technical civilization in local areas and to enhancing the cultural and technical levels of the working people.

This means that our educational work and training of national cadres have attained a very high level and that a solid foundation has been laid for bringing up a greater number of technical personnel and specialists in the future.

Socialism and communism cannot be built with the knowledge of a few people alone; they can be successfully built only by arming the broad masses of the working people with a profound knowledge of nature and society. Over the past years our Party paid deep attention to elevating the general cultural and technical levels of the working people concurrently with the training of technical personnel. Thanks to the strengthening of adult education and the improvement of radio-propaganda and press-circulation activities, the general cultural and technical levels of the working people have risen considerably and the Party's policy of making everyone of the working people master more than one technical skill is being materialized excellently. As a result, today everyone of our working people has come to take part purposefully in the sacred struggle for remaking nature and society with definite knowledge and technique.

During the period under review great successes have been won in the advancement of science, too. Upholding the Party's policy of firmly establishing Juche in scientific research work, our scientists succeeded in solving various pressing scientific and technical problems by directing their effort to the research work to further increase the independence of the national economy, and made a great contribution to the socialist construction of the country.

Our socialist literature and art are flowering brilliantly. Thanks to the successful implementation of the Party's literary and art policy, the revisionist elements and tendencies of restoration which were revealed in the field of literature and art have been eradicated, a struggle has been intensified among the writers and artists to create revolutionary literary and art works based on the distinct working-class line, and workers, peasants and broad sections of the working people are taking an active part in literary and art activities. Our literature and art have become the literature and art of the Party, of the revolution, and of the people in the truest sense of the term and are becoming a powerful means for educating the working people along communist lines.

With the successful fulfilment of the tasks of the cultural revolution, our country has now turned into a land of education where all the people, young and old, are learning, into a land where science and socialist literature and art are developing and efflorescing in an all-round way. The cultural backwardness left over from the old society has been overcome and the centuries-old desire of our people to lead a cultured and happy life is coming true splendidly in the era of the Workers' Party.

3. Consolidation of the Political and Ideological Unity of the Entire People

Comrades,

During the period under review, our Party has strenuously endeavoured to educate and remould the masses of the people and rally them closely around the Party and further strengthen our revolutionary ranks.

The policy invariably followed by our Party in firmly building up the revolutionary ranks and cementing the politico-ideological unity of society was to energetically push ahead with the work of revolutionizing and working-classizing the working people, while intensifying dictatorship over the hostile elements, through a proper combination of the class line with the mass line. It is the fundamental requirement of the revolution and the basic work method of the Communists to properly combine dictatorship with democracy, the class struggle with the work of strengthening the unity and cohesion of the masses of the people, and win over the broad masses while isolating a tiny handful of hostile elements. The Party paid profound attention to strengthening the revolutionary ranks politically and ideologically, guarding against both the Leftist tendency to ignore the unity and cohesion of the working class, co-operative farmers and labouring intellectuals which constitute the basis of our social relations and lay undue emphasis on the class struggle, distrusting and shunning people for no reason, and the Rightist tendency to neglect the class struggle against the hostile elements and the survivals of outmoded ideologies and absolutize the unity and cohesion of the masses of the people alone.

To thoroughly isolate and suppress hostile elements is an essential prerequisite to reinforcing the revolutionary ranks and ensuring success for the revolutionary struggle and constructive work. Our Party smashed in good time all and every attempt to slacken the class struggle and sharpened the edge of proletarian dictatorship as a weapon of class struggle.

In the past period some of our people, in the wake of the ideological trends of Rightist capitulationism which appeared in the international communist movement, asserted that when the socialist system was established the class struggle came to an end and there was no need to exercise dictatorship over the remnants of the overthrown exploiting classes. We timely administered a powerful blow to such noxious revisionist ideas and completely overcame them ideologically.

Our Party stood firm by the principle of educating the broad masses and positively enlisting them in the struggle against counter-revolution and bringing the masses to class awakening amid the struggle against the enemy. Correctly guided by the Party, we unfolded an energetic struggle against the counter-revolutionary elements as an all-Party, all-people movement and thereby smashed the conspiratorial manoeuvrings of the class enemy in good time and firmly safeguarded the gains of the revolution and, in this course, thoroughly isolated the handful of hostile elements and further solidified the class positions of our revolution.

During the period under review, our Party vigorously stepped up the revolutionization and working-classization of the whole society, while tightening dictatorship over the hostile elements.

To revolutionize and working-classize the whole society is a lawful requirement of the building of socialism and communism and one of the most important tasks that devolve upon the dictatorship of the proletariat after the establishment of the socialist system. Whereas in the period of the socialist transformation of production relations there comes to the fore the task of completely liquidating the exploiting classes and turning all the working people into socialist working people, the task that is brought to the forefront after the establishment of the socialist system is to remould all the working people on the pattern of the working class both in their socio-economic status and ideological and moral qualities and thus gradually obliterate class distinctions and make them true builders of socialism and communism.

In carrying through the policy of revolutionization and working-classization of the whole society, our Party has held fast to the principle of steadily enhancing the leading role of the working class and educating and remoulding the peasantry and intelligentsia on the pattern of the working class.

For the working class to strengthen its leading role in the building of socialism and communism and discharge its historical mission, it is imperative to enhance its ideology, culture and organization and temper itself in all aspects in a more revolutionary manner. Ours is a young working class, which has a number of characteristic features in its development. The ranks of the working class of our country, which had been not so big numerically before, swelled sharply in a short period of time as industry developed by leaps after the liberation, and they were joined by a large number of erst-while  peasants, small traders and handicraftsmen and the people of new generation who had no revolutionary training.

Hence, our Party waged a powerful struggle to revolutionize the working class. The Party intensified the politico-ideological work among the working class to further enhance its class consciousness and led it to steel itself perseveringly in productive activities, and positively strove to strengthen the ranks of the working class organizationally and ideologically. In consequence, the vanguard role of the working class in the revolution and construction and its revolutionary influence on the working people have been increased, and now our working class is performing its honourable mission creditably as the leading class in the Korean revolution.

Working-classizing and revolutionizing the peasantry, a main detachment of our revolution, is one of the fundamental prerequisites for creating a classless society and assuring victory for the cause of socialism and communism.

In the rural areas of our country, erstwhile hired farm-hands are small in number and our peasantry consist chiefly of former poor and middle peasants. Accordingly, small proprietor's inclinations, egoism and other obsolete ideas are rooted deeply in their minds. The peasantry not only lag behind the working class technically and culturally, but are far behind ideologically. The socialist revolution has fundamentally altered the socio-economic position of the peasants and brought about a great change in their ideological consciousness, too, but the lag of the peasantry behind the advanced working class in ideology still remains one of the major conditions that engender the class distinctions between the working class and the peasantry even after the establishment of the socialist system.

During the period under review our Party has paid special attention to intensifying the ideological revolution as well as the technical and cultural revolutions in the countryside. The strengthening of ideological education and organizational life among our peasants and their training through socialist communal labour led to a marked rise in their level of ideological consciousness and a further promotion of their collectivist spirit and organization. As the technical and cultural revolutions advanced successfully in the countryside, the technical and cultural standards of the peasantry rose still higher and their socio-economic position came very close to that of the working class. Today our peasantry, as the reliable ally of the working class and real master in socialist construction, are staunchly defending our rural positions of socialism.

The Party has all along given deep concern to the revolutionization and working-classization of the intellectuals as well as the workers and peasants.

One of the major tasks before a Marxist-Leninist Party which has assumed power is rightly to solve the problem of old intellectuals who served the old society, while rearing new intellectuals. Originally, the intelligentsia, as a social stratum, have dual nature: they can serve not only the exploiting classes but the working class as well. The old intellectuals of our country came mostly of rich families and served the exploiter society in the past. But as intellectuals of a colonial and semi-feudal society, they were subjected to racial oppression and discrimination by the Japanese imperialists, and therefore, the majority of them had anti-imperialist thought and democratic revolutionary spirit. In consideration of these characteristic features of the old intellectuals our Party set forth the policy of positively remoulding them and patiently educated them while bringing up large numbers of new intellectuals from among the working people. And in the stage of socialist construction the question of the dual nature of the old intellectuals, the question as to whom to serve, has been solved and there remains for them only the question of how better to serve the working class and labouring people.

In the period of socialist construction when an all-out battle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideas is on the order of the day, our Party has paid particular attention to the revolutionization and working-classization of the intellectuals who have more survivals of obsolete ideologies than anyone else and less opportunity to temper themselves, and energetically endeavoured to turn them into true intellectuals of the working class who serve the fatherland and the people more faithfully. Through the steady ideological education by the Party and the revolutionary organizational life, a struggle was stepped up among the intellectuals against individualism and egoism, the tendencies to flunkeyism and dogmatism remaining in their minds have been surmounted successfully and the whole intelligentsia have been further steeled politically and ideologically. Our experience shows that it is possible not only to enlist the services of the old intellectuals but also educate and remould them into builders of socialism and communism. Today our intellectuals, as socialist working intellectuals, are advancing with confidence along the road indicated by the Party and serving the revolution and construction in good faith. This is a shining victory of our Party's policy on the intelligentsia and one of the greatest achievements we have made in the revolutionary transformation of the whole society.

Revolutionizing and working-classizing the whole society is a class struggle to get rid of all shades of outworn ideas, non-working-class elements in all spheres of social life. However, precisely as a question of remoulding the working people themselves who endeavour to build socialism and communism faster and better, it is a task that arises in taking all the working people on to communist society. Our Party, therefore, has conducted the work of revolutionizing and working-classizing the working people by means of explanation and persuasion, with main stress put on ideological education. We have made unremitting efforts to revolutionize and working-classize the masses in all strata on the principle of boldly trusting any people who want to follow our Party and winning them over to the revolutionary fold, even though their origin, environments and social and political backgrounds are complicated.

All revolutionary struggle and constructive work can be carried to satisfaction only by the conscious endeavours on the part of the masses. Our Party found in the voluntary activity of the masses the key to ensuring success for the revolutionization and working-classization of the whole society and intensified the organizational and political work so that all the working people may bend their conscious efforts for their revolutionary training. We closely linked with practical activities the work of educating and remoulding people chiefly by the method of properly coupling general education with individual education and overcoming the negative by positive examples, so that the struggle for revolutionization and working-classization became the business of the masses themselves.

What is of great importance in the expansion and development of the struggle for the revolutionization and working-classization of the working people is the Chollima workteam movement. The Chollima workteam movement is not only a collective innovation movement in production but also an excellent medium for the communist education and remoulding of the working people and a mass movement to speed up the revolutionization and working-classization of the whole society. We developed the Chollima workteam movement in depth and in scope and thereby further intensified the strivings for the education and remoulding of the working people in close relation to the building of the socialist economy and culture. Thus, the education and remoulding of people were conducted vigorously in all domains, in all units, as a movement of the entire masses, along with an unremiting struggle for the successful fulfilment of the Seven-Year National Economic Plan.

Through the struggle for the revolutionization and working-classi.zation of the working people, wei have overcome all hues of opportunism, flunkeyisrn, dogmatism and factionalism, firmly armed all the working people with the revolutionary ideas of our Party, and actively aroused revolutionary enthusiasm in the working people, thereby achieving great victory in socialist construction.

Today, as a result of the successful implementation of the Party's policy of revolutionization and working-classization of the whole society, the ideological and moral qualities of our people have undergone a radical change and the interior of our society has been consolidated as never before. The beautiful traits of fighting devotedly for society and collective, for socialism and communism have come to flower among the working people and the spirit of living and working in a revolutionary way has come to prevail in the whole society firmly. The unity of our working class, co-operative farmers and working intellectuals has been further cemented, the whole society converted into a big Red family in which people advance in solid politico-ideological unity, helping each other and leading each other forward, and our revolutionary ranks have strengthened into an invincible force.

4. Establishment of an All-People, All-Nation Defence System

Comrades,

To increase the nation’s defence capacity is one of the important tasks vested in a Marxist-Leninist Party which has seized power and a problem of weighty importance concerning the destiny of the building of socialism and communism under the conditions where imperialism still remains alive. To strengthen the defence power of the country has been a question of particular importance for us who are building socialism in frontal confrontation with the aggressors of U.S imperialism, the chieftain of world reaction, under the condition of territorial partition.

That is why our Party has always been deeply concerned for the work of national defence and combined economic construction rightly with defence upbuilding. Especially during the period under review we took a number of radical actions for boosting the nation’s defence capabilities in the U.S. imperialist manoeuvres for aggression and provocation of war were intensified and the situation became more tense. In accordance with the Party’s policy we did tremendous work to strengthen the People’s Army, arm the entire people and fortify the whole country and thus came to possess self-defence power strong enough to defend the security of the fatherland reliably from enemy invasion.

Our Party, first of all, has untiringly conducted politico-ideological education among the officers and men of the People's Army to give fullest play to the political and moral superiority of the People's Army as a revolutionary armed force. We have strictly guarded against the tendency to neglect political work and cling only to military-technical affairs in the army and held to the principle of raising the political awakening of the army-men and the level of their ideological consciousness and properly combining military-technical world therewith. Now the morale of the officers and men) of the People's Army is high and their ideological' condition is very fine. The whole ranks of the People's Army are pervaded with high political enthusiasm and staunch revolutionary spirit to serve the Party and the revolution and fight for their socialist fatherland and people through thick and thin, and with such traditional fine traits as fraternal unity between the officers and men and bonds of kinship with the people. As a result of the splendid implementation of the Party's policy of turning the whole army into a cadre army and modernizing the whole army, our People's Army has grown into a one-beats-a-hundred army of cadres further steeled politically, ideologically, and in military technique, into an invincible revolutionary armed force fully equipped with powerful means for attack and defence.

One of the most significant achievements made in the strengthening of the defence power of the country during the period under review is that the entire people have been placed under arms and the whole country fortified. In our country the entire people know how to fire guns and are carrying arms with them. Further, we have built iron-wall defences throughout the country and even fortified all the major production installations. This is the mightiest defence system that can be established only in our socialist society where a rock-firm politico-ideological unity of the entire people has been attained and a solid independence economic system set up.

A great success has also been won in the development of the national defence industry. Formerly our country had but an insignificant munitions industry which was confined to the production of a limited number of rifles. But we are now in a position to manufacture on our own various types of up-to-date weapons and combat and technical equipment needed for the defence of the fatherland, as a result of the establishment of firm bases of an independent national defence industry.

Our national defence power has been gained at a very large and dear price. Frankly speaking, our spendings on national defence have been too heavy a burden for us in the light of the small size of the country and its population. Had even a part of the nation's defence spendings been diverted to economic construction, our national economy would have developed more rapidly and the living standard of our people have improved much more. But the situation never allowed us to do so. We could not throw to the winds the fundamental interestsof the revolution to seek a temporary comfort nor did we want to become a stateless people again. We saw to it that much effort was directed to augmenting the defence power to perfect the defence of the fatherland even though it greatly impeded the economic development of the country and the betterment of the people's living.

It is precisely for this reason that we could dependably safeguard the security of our fatherland even under the circumstances in which the imperialists were running about so madly, and forbid the enemies to dare provoke us. The situation was extremely tense in our country at the time of the incident of the U.S. imperialist armed spy ship "Pueblo" in 1968 and the incident of the large-size spy plane "EC-121" last year. The U.S. imperialist gangsters brought huge armed forces to the very threshold of our country and overtly attempted an armed invasion of the northern half of the Republic. The situation was really serious. The whole world closely followed the developments and expressed deep concern. However, thanks to the powerful all-people, all-nation defence system with the People's Army as the core, we were not scared in the least but could take a determined position to return retaliation for the "retaliation" of the enemies, allout war for an all-out war, and finally forced the aggressors to bend their knees before us. It is true that the enemies are still running amuck every day to ignite a fresh war of aggression in our country. But we can say confidently that we can readily knock down any aggressor, as long as we have the sagacious leadership of the Marxist-Leninist Party, the fathomless strength of our people united closely around the Party, the powerful independent economy, the invincible revolutionary army, the all-people armed force and the fortified territory.

5. All-Round Establishment of the Socialist System of Economic Management

Comrades,

In order to bring the superiority of the socialist economic system into full play and build socialism and communism successfully after the completion of the socialist reorganization of production relations, it is necessary to constantly improve the guidance and management of the national economy.

The new circumstances under which the socialist transformation of production relations had been completed and the overall technical reconstruction pushed forward in our country urgently demanded a new solution to the question of guidance and management of the national economy. Although an advanced large-scale socialist sector of economy had its unitary rule established with the excellent fulfilment of the historical task of laying the foundations of socialism, the system and method of guidance for the national economy were not yet reformed accordingly and the ability and qualifications of functionaries, too, failed to keep up with it.

Without solving this question raised by the new historical circumstances, we could not rapidly push socialist economic construction further ahead.

These requirements of the new circumstances could only be met by the complete establishment of a socialist management system in industry and agriculture and all other fields of the national economy.

It is a very complex and difficult revolutionary task to set up and consummate a new socialist system of economic management. Because it is a work of radically reforming the old system and method of work rooted deep in the obsolete traditions and order which have been built up through a long historical process.

However, our Party, generalizing the experiences gained in the socialist construction of our country and creatively developing Marxist-Leninist principles, scientifically elucidated the original directions and specific methods for settling the problem of socialist economic management, an urgent question awaiting solution in practice.

The guidance at Chongsan-ri in February 1960 marked an epochal turning point in improving the system and method of work and establishing the socialist system of economic management to suit the new circumstances. fo the course of generalizing the Chongsan-ri spirit and Chongsan-ri method which were an embodiment of the traditional and revolutionary mass line of our Party in the realities of socialist construction, new changes took place in the work of the state and economic organs.

Following the guidance at Chongsan-ri, our Party took radical steps to establish the Taean work system in industrial management so that the Chongsan-ri spirit and Chongsan-ri method could be carried into practice more effectively in the guidance and management of the national economy.

The Taean work system is a fine economic management system suited to the intrinsic nature of the socialist system, under which factories and enterprises conduct all their management activities under the collective leadership of the Party committees and carry out their economic tasks by giving predence to political work and rousing the producer masses to activity, under which superiors help inferiors in a responsible manner and the economy is managed and operated in a scientific and rational way.

Our Party put an end to one-man management by the director, the outdated way of enterprise management, defined the Party committee as the highest leading organ at each economic unit and set up the system of collective leadership by the Party committee in enterprise management. Thus, the Party committee was made to steer economic activities by collectively discussing and deciding upon the orientations and ways and means for the settlement of important matters arising in the economic work in each period and directing and supervising their satisfactory implementation and, at the same time, to scrupulously attend to Party organizational work and ideological education so as to actively organize and mobilize all the working people to the execution of revolutionary tasks. This made it possible to eliminate the subjective views and arbitrary decisions of individuals in enterprise management and enlist collective wisdom in managing and operating the large-scale, modern socialist economy efficiently and enabled the broad masses to display creativity and activity in production with the attitude of a master.

At the same time, our Party established a well-organized system under which the functionaries of ministries, bureaus and other higher organs and the management personnel at enterprises go down to production sites to untie their knotty problems in good time, and under which the higher units provide in a responsible way equipment, materials and all other goods needed for production. Thus, the method of dictation and commandism, the bureaucratic method in the guidance of the economy began to give way gradually.

Besides, the Party saw that a system of unified and concentrated guidance in production was introduced for the rational management and operation of the economy. As a result, the irrationality, caused by the separation of planning, technical guidance and production guidance from one another, that had prevented effective guidance of production in the past was removed, and productive guidance and technical guidance could be given efficiently in close association and, especially, technical guidance of production could be further strengthened.

The Taean work system is, indeed, a new socialist form of economic management which correctly embodies the mass line and scientific principles in enterprise management and has completely done away once and for all with the remnants of the outmoded capitalist method of economic management. The Taean work system is a form of enterprise management that embodies in itself the communist principle in a large measure on which superiors and inferiors and producers learn from each other and teach each other, help each other and unite together in a comradely manner and on which the economy is managed and run in reliance on a high degree of revolutionary enthusiasm of the producer masses.

Our Party has also actively striven to improve the guidance and management of the rural economy.

The Party segregated the function of directing the rural economy from the county people's committees and newly set up the county co-operative farm management committees and concentrated under the committees the agro-technicians and the state enterprises directly engaged in agriculture. The county co-operative farm management committees were thus charged with the function of giving direct guidance to the co-operative farms and rendering the material and technical assistance of the state to the rural economy. While organizing the county co-operative farm management committees, our Party newly set up the provincial rural economy committees and reorganized the Ministry of Agriculture into the Agricultural Commission so as to strengthen scientific and technical guidance of agriculture.

The introduction of the new system of agricultural guidance with the county co-operative farm management committee as the basic unit has enabled us to direct agriculture by the industrial method instead of the previous administrative method. Consequently, it has become possible steadily to bring the method of management and operation in the rural economy closer to the advanced method of enterprise management in industry, to plan and organize all management activities better and intensify the technical guidance of agricultural production. The establishment of the new system of agricultural guidance has also made it possible to organically link ownership by the whole people with co-opern.tive ownership and to draw closer the productive ties between industry and agriculture. This enhances the leading role of ownership by the whole people in the development of agricultural production and powerfully accelerates the process of bringing co-operative ownership closer to ownership by the whole people.

After the reorganization of the systems of industrial and agricultural management our Party saw that unified and detailed planning was effected to further tighten the democratic centralist discipline in overall economic management and develop our economy in a more planned and proportionate way.

For the unified planning the Party saw that regional planning commissions under the direct control of the State Planning Commission, city (district) and county state planning departments were instituted and state planning sections formed at factories and enterprises and that the planning departments in all domains of the national economy including those of ministries and organs at central level were subordinated, as far as planning is concerned, to the State Planning Commission as well as to the organs to which they belong. Thus, there was established a unified planning system which co-ordinates the planning of the national economy from the Centre down to localities and factories and enterprises.

The new unified planning system rendered it possible to have the Party's policies and state policies brought home to all the planning units promptly for accurate execution by making the personnel of planning bodies who were well acquainted with the intentions of the Party and the demands of the state conduct planning work directly at localities and enterprises. This enabled us to do away with localism and departmentalism, thoroughly subordinate all the plans of ministries, administrative bureaus and organs at provincial level and of factories and enterprises to the national strategic plan, and work out mobilizing and active plans. The new unified planning system also enabled us to eradicate subjectivism and bureaucratism in the state planning bodies and fully ensure the objectivity and feasibility of plans by making the planning workers go deep among the producer masses to do the planning work, widely enlisting their creative initiative and fully acquainting themselves with the specific conditions of production sites.

The newly initiated detailed planning, along with the unified planning, is an important guarantee for the most scientific planning of the national economy.

Detailed planning makes it possible for the state planning agencies themselves to closely link the general economic development with the management activities of every factory and enterprise and elaborate plans to suit the actual conditions in all branches of the national economy, localities annual enterprises, so that all indices can gear with one another squarely down to details. The introduction of detailed planning provided the possibility of rapidly developing the nation's economy at a high rate without a hitch by totally liquidating the factors of unbalance and spontaneity in economic development and most correctly reflecting the requirements of the law of the planned and proportionate development of the economy.

From our practical experience we can say with high pride that the socialist system of economic management established in an all-round way in our country fully accords with the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism and the specific realities of our country and that it signifies the most advantageous economic management system which further consolidates and develops the socialist economic system and gives a strong impetus to the development of the productive forces of the country.

The overall introduction of the new system of economic management has enabled us to meet most correctly the requirements of the economic laws of socialism and properly combine political and moral incentive with material incentive and centralism with democracy in economic management. Particularly, it has enabled us to completely overcome the Leftist deviation of ignoring the transitional character of socialist society in economic management and the Rightist concept inclined towards decentralization in economic guidance and liberalization of enterprise, neglecting political and moral incentive and putting up material incentive to the fore.

Comrades, we have creditably implemented the lines set forth at the Fourth Congress of the Party and the Party Conference and thus achieved great victories and successes in socialist construction .The historic task of converting our country into socialist industrial state has been fulfilled splendidly and the independent national economy which our people have built through a hard-fought struggle in the spirit of self-reliance, has grown might. The newly established socialist economic management system is forcefully promoting the development of the nation's productive forces. Culture and art are in brilliant bloom and our towns and villages are being built more beautifully day by day. Our revolutionary forces have become invincible and now we have stronger national defence power. Our people have made giant strides forward in their battle to top the high peak of socialism and are leading a happy and worth-while life in the bosom of the prospering and developing socialist father land.

We can say with confidence that we have built up great strength enough to ensure the complete victory of socialism and attain the unification of the fatherland and the nation-wide victory of the revolution.

On behalf of this Party Congress, I should like to offer my warm thanks to all our Party members, workers, peasants and the rest of the working people who have performed shining exploits on every front of socialist construction, holding high the lines and policies of our Party.

2. For the Consolidation and Development of the Socialist System of Our Country

Comrades,

Today our Party and people are faced with the urgent task of further consolidating and developing the socialist system of our country and hastening the complete victory of socialism on the basis of the achievements already gained in the revolution and construction.

In order to strengthen the socialist system and attain the complete victory of socialism, it is necessary to carry on the powerful struggle to capture the material and ideological fortresses, the two fortresses that must be seized without fail on the way to communism.

We must develop the productive forces continuously by carrying the technical revolution onto a higher stage, bring about a further development and efflorescence of socialist national culture by speeding up cultural construction, and vigorously push ahead with the revolutionization and working-classization of the whole society by giving priority to the ideological revolution.

1. Central Tasks of Socialist Economic Construction

Comrades,

During the Seven-Year Plan we have founded a modern industry with a self-supporting system and put all branches of the national economy basically on the foundation of up-to-date techniques by vigorously accelerating the socialist industrialization of the country and the all-round technical reconstruction of the national economy.

However, we still have much work to do in the field of economic construction if we are to lay the solid material and technical foundations for socialism. We should equip industry better and further strengthen its independence and thus bring into full play the might of modern industry built in our country and develop the nation's productive forces still faster by bringing about steady technical progress in all fields of the national economy.

The basic task of the Six-Year Plan in the field of socialist economic construction is to further cement the material and technical foundations of socialism and free the working people from arduous labour in all fields of the national economy, by consolidating and carrying forward the successes gained in industrialization and advancing the technical revolution onto a new, higher plane.

During the period of the new prospective plan we should, above all, perfect the inner-structures of the industrial branches and strengthen the Juche character of our industry further still.

With socialist industrialization carried into effect, our industry not only has attained well) balanced structure and equipped itself with new techniques, but also has become an industry that develops basically on domestic raw material resources and has enormous potentialities. Our industry, however, does not give full play to its might since some of its branches have not yet been perfected and minor and secondary sections and production processes have not been put into proper shape particularly, we still depend on foreign countries for some raw materials, which cannot but affect a secure and normal development of our industry to a certain degree.

We should continue with the work of rounding out all branches of industry to reinforce weak sections and create those branches we have not so as to perfect our industry quickly and, at the same time, wage a dynamic struggle to develop it entirely on the raw materials available in our country. We should in this way bring the power of our industry into full play and base all the industrial branches on Juche so firmly that they will, at least, be 60 to 70 per cent self-reliant with regard to raw materials.

Great efforts should be directed to strengthening the independence of the ferrous metallurgical industry of our country.

Our country blessed with rich iron-ore resources, has very bright prospects for the development of the ferrous metallurgical industry. But we are now meeting the iron industry's demand for coking coal through economic exchanges with fraternal countries, because coking coal has not yet been found in our country. Such co-operation, of course, is very valuable to us, and in future, too, we shall continue to promote the relations of economic co-operation with other countries on the principles of satisfying each other's needs. But we cannot afford to import from foreign countries all of the vast amount of coking coal needed for iron production which is expanding rapidly in keeping with the demands of the development of the national economy.

While intensifying the struggle to increase pig-iron output at the least possible expense of coke in the iron industry, we must positively develop the iron industry by using home-produced fuel. During the period of the new prospective plan the production of granulated iron and blister steel must be increased and that of sponge iron and reduced ball ore industrialized at an early date, and the research work for electric iron-manufacturing should also be carried on.

The variety of steel should be increased and its quality enhanced, the variety and standards of rolled steel expanded sharply and the production of goods of second-stage metal processing developed rapidly, so that various ferrous materials required for the development of the national economy and the technical revolution are turned out and supplied satisfactorily.

The non-ferrous metallurgical industry should be rapidly developed so as to effectively exploit and utilize non-ferrous metal resources abundant in our country, and especially aluminium and other light metals essential to technical progress and the improvement of the people’s living should be produced by ourselves.

The development of the chemical industry is of very great significance in expanding the raw-material bases form industry and increasing the economic independence of the country. Relying on the existing foundations of the chemical industry, we must develop the inorganic and organic chemical industries further still and establish new branches of the chemical industry so as to develop the chemical industry of our country in a more diverse way.

In order to realize full-scale chemicalization of agriculture, the production of chemical fertilizers should be further augmented and various herbicides and insecticides should also be turned out in larger quantities.

To expand and consolidate the raw-material bases for light industry is an important task of the chemical industry. We must enlarge the existing production bases for chemical fibers and synthetic resins and, at the same time, make much effort in the Six-Year Plan period to build new large bases of an oil chemical industry so that more than 70 per cent of the fibers needed for light industry may be turned out at home and the production of synthetic resins should also be boosted speedily.

Along with this, we should rapidly build up bases for synthetic-rubber production to meet the demand for rubber at home, and should make intensified endeavours to turn ·out and supply on our own various kinds of chemical materials required for light industry.

The question of advancing the technical revolution onto new heights and further developing the nation's productive forces as a whole depends largely on the growth of the engineering industry. In the

Six-Year Plan period, big efforts should be exerted continuously for the development of the engineering industry to turn out larger quantities of more efficient and economic machinery and equipment needed for gigantic nature-remaking projects and various domains of the national economy.

Bases of large-size machine production should be expanded and reinforced to manufacture in a big way large-size equipment, large turbines and generators, large boilers and other high-capacity generating facilities, required by the metallurgical, cement and chemical industries, 25-ton heavy-duty lorries, 300-h. p. bulldozers, large excavators and various other kinds of large-size equipment needed for the mining industry and huge nature-remaking projects.

The development of the fishing industry and water transport demands a speedy growth of the ship-building industry. During the Six-Year Plan, we should build more large-size vessels including 5,000-ton refrigerator-transports and freighters and make for ourselves even factory mother-ships and freighters of 10,000-ton class and up.

The extensive introduction of semi-automation and automation in all domains of the national economy has placed before the engineering industry the important task of developing the electronic and automation industries. Electronic and automation industry bases should be further reinforced to produce various automation elements, instruments and gauges in large quantities, and varieties of rare metal and pure metal materials needed in the electronic and automation industries be manufactured and supplied satisfactorily.

One of the important problems to be solved in the field of the engineering industry is to mass-produce different kinds of single-purpose equipment needed in the production of consumer goods for the people. During the period of the new prospective plan, we should set up many single-purpose equipment factories to rapidly increase the production of various types of single-purpose machines demanded by the foodstuff and daily-necessaries industries.

The execution of the tremendous tasks confronting the engineering industry calls for stepped-up production of machine tools. The output of machine tools .should be boosted rapidly and, especially, special machine tools, automatic and semi-automatic machine tools, large-size machine tools and efficient single-purpose machine tools should be produced in quantities.

The active exploitation of the rich natural resources lying underground in our country is of great significance not only in further accelerating the nation's economic construction but in promoting economic intercourse with foreign countries. We should expand the bases of magnesia clinker production and further augment the productive capacities of cement factories and, at the same time, build many new medium- and small-size local cement factories to achieve a sharp rise in the output of magnesia clinker and cement.

The major task to be tackled in the domain of light industry is to speedily shore up the daily-necessaries industry. The articles of daily use put out in our country are not yet rich in variety and their quality, too, is low. We should devote great endeavours to the development of the daily-necessaries industry and, especially, tap local reserves actively so as to bring about a fresh turn in the production of daily necessities in the coming few years.

The central task facing the domain of the rural economy is to make agricultural production highly intensive.

Above all, two-crop acreage should be expanded through the extensive introduction of irrigation in dry fields. When non-paddy irrigation is effected, dry-field farming will be freed for ever from crop failure as is the case with rice farming, and the per chongbo yield of dry-field crops can be increased considerably. During the period of the new prospective plan a vigorous struggle should be unfolded to introduce the system of irrigation including water sprinkling in 300,000 chongbo of dry fields with main emphasis on the areas suitable for two-crop cultivation by properly readjusting and effectively utilizing the irrigation facilities already built.

At the same time, the chemicalization of agriculture should be further pushed ahead. In the period of the Six-Year Plan, we should see that the amount of chemical fertilizers applied per chongbo of the cultivated land be increased to one ton or more, their qualitative composition improved further and microelement fertilizers suitable to the soil and the peculiarities of crops of our country produced and supplied in larger quantities. Along with the increased application of chemical fertilizers, their effect should be heightened to the utmost through the establishment of a scientific manuring system. And insecticides and other agricultural chemicals should be used on an extensive scale so that crops may be thoroughly protected from blights and insect pests of all sorts.

Great potentiality of raising the per chongbo yield of crops lies in strengthening biological researchwork and extensively applying its results toagricultural production. All varieties of crops shouldbe replaced by new superior strains by speedingup the production of high-yielding choice seedsfitted to the climatic and soil conditions of our countrythrough intensified seed production and seedselection.

Tideland reclamation should also be undertaken on a large scale to obtain new land. In the Six-Year Plan period we should obtain plenty of new fertile arable land by concentrically reclaiming, first of all, the areas that have favourable natural and geographical conditions and that can be reclaimed comparatively fast.

One of the very urgent tasks confronting us today is to eliminate the waste and loss of agricultural produce and industrial products while rapidly increasing industrial and agricultural production.

Although our country produces an enormous amount of fruit and vegetables and catches hundreds of thousands of tons of fish every year, a lot of them go bad due to the failure in taking measures for their preservation in keeping with production and in industrializing and streamlining their processing. And it is not infrequent that careless packing spoils precious farm produce and industrial products.

Decisive steps should be taken to improve the storage and processing of agricultural produce and industrial products and the packing of commodities to stop such a· waste completely. We should build fruit storages in a movement of all the masses to preserve more fruit in areas of production and consumption and should build lots of factories processing fruit, vegetables and fish in all places to process them in good time and by industrial methods, without a bit of waste. Kraft paper, cardboard and various other packing materials of high quality should be turned out in great quantities for the radical improvement of the packing of manufactured goods and agricultural produce.

To ease the strain on transport is a very urgent question at present in speeding up the overall economic construction of the country. We should devote big efforts to the development of communications and transport to fully meet the fast-growing demands of transport.

At present in· our country there is only one railway line that links the east with the west, and this constitutes the main factor in the strain on railway transport. We should speed up the Ichon-Sepo railway construction now under way so as to hasten the opening of another railway line connecting the east and west coasts, and push forward actively the construction of a new railway between Kanggye, Hyesan and Musan to connect the east and the west of the northern inland.

We should, at the same time, continue to electrify some strained branch lines in the eastern and inland areas with steep gradient and heavy freight traffic, introduce diesel traction on the lines not to be electrified and increase the traction-load and the operation speed of trains to raise the railway transport capacity still further.

Water transport should be further developed in order to fully ensure the rapidly increasing cargo shipment for foreign trade and ease the strain on railway transport. We should further expand the network of coastwise and river transport by positively pioneering ship routes, develop the joint operation of railway and water transport and increase foreign trade shipping by our vessels. We should further develop motor transport as well in step with the advancement of the automobile industry.

Comrades,

To continue to push ahead with the technical revolution vigorously is an important task in liberating the working people from arduous labour. The technical revolution poses as a very urgent problem in easing the present shortage of labour, too.

We have relieved our working people of heavy and laborious work in no small measure by stepping up technical reconstruction on a full scale in all fields of the national economy during the Seven-Year Plan. But distinctions between heavy and light labour still remain and heat-affected labour and harmful labour have not yet been eliminated in our country. There is a big disparity between industrial and agricultural labour and the women who account for one half of the population have not yet been freed from household burdens completely.

We should unfold an extensive technical innovation movement in industry and agriculture and all other branches of the national economy to narrow down the distinctions between heavy and light labour and between agricultural and industrial work to a considerable extent and free the women from the heavy burdens of household chores. These are precisely the three major tasks of the technical revolution we should fulfil in a few years ahead.

Great efforts should be exerted, first of all, to reduce the difference between heavy and light labour, eliminate heat-affected labour and harmful labour and widely introduce semi-automation and automation in all fields of the national economy.

The first and foremost task here is to unroll a widespread technical innovation movement in the domain of the mining industry where there remains hard and labour-consuming work more than in any other branches, so as to make the labour in this field easy, highly productive and safer.

The ore mines and bituminous coal-mines should effect comprehensive mechanization and gradually go over to semi-automation and automation. A decisive upswing should be brought about in mechanization at the anthracite mines which hold an overwhelming proportion in the coal output of our country and where the level of mechanization of work is low.

The level of mechanization of work should generally be raised in the realm of forestry. The fishing industry should equip itself with large, modern and all-purpose vessels to realize comprehensive mechanization in fish catching.

Capital construction, along with the mining industry, is a domain where heavy labour still remains a great deal. Efficient building-machines should be supplied in greater numbers and the proportion of precast construction raised further to uplift the level of mechanization decisively in the field of construction.

Mechanization of loading and unloading operations is one of the important tasks for us to get rid of heavy labour. Loading and unloading operations have not yet been fully mechanized at railway stations, wharves, construction sites and in various other branches of the national economy. Hence, not only quite a few people are engaged in tough work but also the rapidity of operations is not ensured.

This is one of the reasons for our failure to boost the utilization of the means of transportation. During the period of the new prospective plan we should manufacture and supply various types of efficient loading and unloading equipment in larger quantities to speed up the mechanization of loading and unloading operations.

A technical innovation movement should be unfolded actively in the industrial domain to do away with heat-affected labour and harmful labour. All the production processes should be automated to liquidate heat-affected labour once and for all in the ferrous metallurgical, chemical and cement industries and in other domains where work is done in the heat. We should automate all the production processes which involve heat-affected labour, beginning with those branches where the heat is particularly intense, and go over to remote control step by step.

The health of workers and production are still affected to a certain extent by gas, dust and other noxious matters emitted in the course of production in the chemical, non-ferrous metallurgical, mining and building-materials industries and in a number of other domains. We should facilitate technical reconstruction in these branches of production to do away with harmful labour as soon as possible.

We should, in this way, convert harmful labour into harmless labour and thoroughly prevent the health of workers and production from being affected by heat, gas, dust and humidity in all industrial branches and work places.

Promotion of the rural technical revolution is a very pressing task before us today. We should carry out the all-round mechanization and chemicalization of agriculture in the Six-Year Plan period to drastically narrow down the distinctions between agricultural and industrial labour and save plenty of labour force in the countryside.

We should make a more effective use of the existing farm machines, and contrive and manufacture in greater quantities various types of modern farm machines, particularly efficient farm machines suited to the topographical conditions of out country, to put into effect the comprehensive mechanization of agriculture widely. In the period of the new prospective plan an all-people movement should be waged to introduce comprehensive mechanization first in the two-crop dry fields under the irrigation system and in the paddy fields where rice is sown direct and gradually expand its successes to materialize the comprehensive mechanization of agriculture in an all-round way in the near future.

Extensive readjustment of land is an urgent task in realizing the all-round mechanization of agriculture at the present period.

It is mainly because the land is not readjusted well that we have failed to propel the mechanization of agriculture at a rapid pace even though we have now a considerable number of tractors, lorries and up-to-date farm machines of various types. Land readjustment should be launched in a movement of the entire masses to enlarge and trim the plots and terrace the sloping fields so that machines may work effectively in paddy and non-paddy fields.

Machines alone cannot replace all the manuallabour in the rural economy and, accordingly, the farm work which cannot be performed by machines should be done by dint of chemistry. Weeding, a most painstaking and labour-consuming work in the countryside, should be done by chemical methods through a wide application of various highly-efficient herbicides.

By bringing about a big advance in the rural technical revolution we should in the near future reduce the labour force expended per chongbo of paddies to 60-80 man-days and that of dry fields to 20-30 man-days on an average, thus making a farmer cultivate five to six chongbo of paddies or eight to ten chongbo of dry fields at least. An eight-hour working day should thus be gradually introduced in the co-operative farms, as in the factories and enterprises, and the difference between town and country in working conditions should be lessened markedly.

One of the important tasks we should fulfil is to carry out a technical revolution to deliver women from the burdens of kitchen and household work.

Our Party has not only accomplished the social emancipation of the women but also made untiring efforts to provide better conditions for them to launch forth in wide realms of public life. Under the deep solicitude of the Party, our women are now making positive contribution to the revolutionary struggle and constructive work as proud masters of the country.

But still today our women have to devote much time to household work while they are engaged in public activities side by side with men. Accordingly, they are under the double burdens of public activities and domestic affairs. We should give profound concern to the technical revolution to extricate the women from household chores and further enhance their role in the revolution and construction.

The most important task in lightening the kitchen work of the women is to bring about a fresh innovation in the foodstuff industry. The processing of various kinds of subsidiary food should be extensively developed and the processing of staple food widely arranged so that all the foodstuffs may be processed by industrial methods and supplied for the women to prepare food shortly and easily at home.

While developing the foodstuff industry, we must produce and supply a large quantity of domestic refrigerators, washing machines, electric cooking pots and various other kitchen utensils so that women need not spend much time in kitchen work and household chores.

When all these tasks of the technical revolution are fulfilled with success, the entire working people of our country will be freed from toilsome, labour-consuming and inefficient work and attain high labour productivity while doing their work safely and easily and their life will become more affluent.

2. Socialist Cultural Constuction

Comrades,

Socialism and communism require not only a high level of development of the productive forces but a high cultural standard of the working people. Only when the cultural revolution, along with the technical revolution, is pushed ahead continuously and vigorously, can the complete victory of socialism be hastened and the essential requirements of socialist and communist society be satisfied.

One of the most important tasks in the building of socialist national culture at present is to struggle against the cultural infiltration by imperialism. It is a lawful requirement of the building of socialist national culture to fight against the outmoded culture of the exploiter society and reactionary capitalist culture. Especially, under the present circumstances where the imperialists are machinating viciously to spread reactionary bourgeois culture among us, it is a very pressing task to combat all sorts of reactionary cultural trends.

Cultural infiltration, one of the principal methods employed by the imperialists in the execution of their neo-colonialist policy, serves as a guide to their foreign aggression. The imperialists led by U.S. imperialism craftily manoeuvre to obliterate the national culture of other countries, paralyze the people's consciousness of national independence andtneir revolutionary spirit, and demoralize and degenerate people through cultural infiltration. One of the salient examples is the ideological and cultural infiltration by the U.S. imperialists and the Japanese militarists into South Korea. Due to the policy of obliterating national culture pursued by the U.S. and Japanese reactionaries and their stooges, in South Korea at present our national culture is wantonly trampled underfoot and the corrupt "Yankee culture," Japanese fashions and Japanese way of life hold sway, corroding the spiritual world of the people. The U.S. imperialists are working maliciously to infiltrate their reactionary culture not only into South Korea but also into the northern half of the Republic and are employing every conceivable means and method such as broadcasting, publications and literary and art works.

Unless such imperialist cultural infiltration is held in check thoroughly, socialist national culture cannot be developed on a sound basis nor can the socialist gains be firmly defended. Historical experience shows that if the imperialist cultural infiltration is not checked decidedly, if the reactionary bourgeois elements are tolerated even to the slightest degree in the domain of cultural construction, the national culture will gradually wear away, the people will harbour illusions in imperialism, suffer from ideological disorders and, further, the revolution and the constructive work will encounter grave difficulties and crisis.

We must, therefore, direct the spearhead of the cultural revolution, first of all, against the cultural infiltration by the imperialists. We should strictly guard against the infiltration into our ranks of all colours of rotten bourgeois culture and way of life spread by the imperialists and should never tolerate bourgeois elements, however trivial, in the realm of cultural construction.

For the sound development of socialist national culture, it is also necessary to resolutely oppose the trends of restorationism.

Restorationism is an anti-Marxist ideological trend which restores and glorifies the things of the past uncritically in disregard of the demand of the times and the class principle. If restorationism is allowed in the field of cultural construction, all sorts of unsound culture of the past will revive and the reactionary bourgeois ideas, feudalistic Confucian ideas, and other outmoded ideas will grow in the minds of the people.

A relentless struggle should be waged against the tendency to blindly copying the antiquated, reactionary things of the past as they were and idealizing and embellishing them on the pretext of taking over the heritages of national culture. We must discard backward and reactionary things among the heritages of national culture and critically inherit and develop progressive and popular things in conformity to the realities of socialism today.

We must unfold a vigorous ideological battle in the domain of cultural construction to thoroughly prevent the imperialist cultural infiltration and overcome the tendency of restorationism, thereby more rapidly developing all branches of socialist cultural construction including education, science, literature and art on a wholesome basis.

The most important task in the domain of education is to build up a big contingent of technicians and specialists, a large army of intellectuals of the country.

Today the productive forces of our country have reached a very high stage of development and the scale of economy has also grown incomparably. Unless we train more technicians and specialists, we cannot properly run the national economy equipped with up-to-date techniques nor can we successfully carry out the tasks of the technical revolution devolving on us.

We must train technicians and specialists on a large scale to meet the practical demands of socialist construction, so that the number of engineers, assistant engineers and specialists graduated from collegial and higher technical schools account for more than 10 per cent in the make-up of labour at all factories, enterprises and co-operative farms during the period of the new prospective plan, and that the number of technicians and specialists exceed one million in the near future.

To train a large number of technicians and specialists the work should be improved and strengthened at the existing colleges and higher technical schools, their scale of training widened, and more colleges set up newly at the Centre and in provinces on a correct calculation of the demand of each branch of the national economy for technical personnel. Also, the number of factory colleges and factory higher-technical schools should be increased in a large measure and education at night and correspondence courses further improved.

Along with the training of a large army of intellectuals, we must continue to unfold an energetic struggle to heighten the levels of general and technical knowledge of the working people.

Under the present condition of our country where all the rising generation receive technical education before going out into the world as a result of the introduction of universal compulsory nine-year technical education, it is an important way of raising the general cultural and technical levels of the working people to improve the quality of compulsory technical schooling. The material foundations of schools should be further cemented, the ranks of teachers built up well, and the contents and methods of education be improved constantly.

In order to raise the general technical and cultural levels of the working people, we must continue to propel the work of raising the technical and cultural levels of the adults who were denied the opportunity of learning in exploiter society in the past. We must see to it that in future, too, all the working people study regularly under definite educational systems.

For the enhancement of the cultural and technical levels of the working people, the press circulation and radio-propaganda activities should be improved and strengthened and, especially, the telecasting network broadened further so that it may cover the whole country in the near future.

We should further develop the work of bringing children under state and public care, which is an important task for the cultural revolution and the building of socialist society.

It is an important communist policy and a communist method of education to rear children under public care. Man's character and thought are built up from his childhood, and accordingly, proper education and cultivation of good habits in him in his early days exert a strong influence on his future development. The public upbringing of children accustoms them to organized and disciplined life, fosters in them the spirit of collectivism and communist character and gets them used to the tone of organizational life from childhood. Then their school and social education will be more effective when they have grown up.

We must further enlarge the accommodations of the existing creches and kindergartens and erect many more modernly-equipped creches and kindergartens so that excellent facilities for the education of children may be provided at all places where there are children. Thus we must see to it that all the preschool children of our country are brought up at creches and kindergartens at state and public expense.

Today the gigantic task of socialist construction facing us, especially the new task of the technical revolution, demands the decisive strengthening of the scientific research work. In the sphere of natural science main efforts should be directed to the solution of scientific and technological problems relatedto the more effective use of the economic foundations already laid, the further strengthening of the Juche character of our industry and to the development of the technical revolution onto a higher stage while new scientific and technological domains should be actively explored. In the field of social science, it is necessary to theoretically generalize the achievements and rich experiences gained by our people in their revolutionary struggle and constructive work and demonstrate the correctness of our Party's lines and policies with more profundity.

Literature and art assume a big role in the communist education of the working people and in the revolutionization and working-classization of the whole society.

The important task for the realm of literature and art is to create more revolutionary works dedicated to arming the working people with the communist world outlook. Writers and artists should create more works on the theme of the glorious revolutionary traditions, the deep roots of our Party and revolution, and produce more works depicting the heroic feats of struggle of the valiant People's Armymen and the people who, carrying forward the brilliant revolutionary traditions of the anti-Japanese armed struggle, fought bravely during the Fatherland Liberation War. At the same time, they should give a vivid portrayal of the grand reality of today in which our people are seething with a revolutionary zeal, dashing forward like a hurricane in the saddle of Chollima and of their worthwhile life, and adequately present the revolutionary struggle of the South Korean revolutionaries and patriotic people who are valiantly fighting for the South Korean revolution and for the unification of the fatherland. Writers and artists should go deeper into the reality and seriously delve for life and excellently employ the creative methods of socialist realism in order to produce many revolutionary works that will pull at people’s heartstrings and encourage and inspire them in their forward movement.

The masses of the people are the makers of socialist culture, and literature and art in our society can advance speedily only with the wide participation of the working masses. We must strictly guard against the tendency towards professionalism in literary and art activities, smash mysticism in creative work and develop literature and art on a broad mass scale.

Language is one of the common features of a nation, a powerful weapon for scientific and technological advance of a country and a major index that characterizes the national form of culture. Therefore, socialist national culture can hardly be built successfully without developing national language.

Our language, which is a priceless national treasure of our people and a national pride, is undergoing a grave crisis in South Korea today. Owing to the U.S. imperialists' policy of blotting out the national language, our language is gradually losing its purity and degrading into a medley language in South Korea. This arouses a serious concern of our people. We must unfold a vigorous struggle as a nation- wide movement to protect our language from the national language obliteration policy of US imperialism and its stooges, for the brilliant development and efflorescence of socialist national culture and for the everlasting prosperity of our nation. At the same time, we must strive energetically to make active use of pure native words and further develop them in conformity to the present-day requirements.

Good physique of the working people constitutes the basis for the revolutionary struggle and the building of a wealthy and mighty society. We must popularize physical culture and sports and develop physical training for national defence extensively so as to further promote the physical strength of all the working people and firmly prepare the entire people for labour and national defence. We must thoroughly establish Juche in physical culture and sports and rapidly develop athletic science and techniques.

By successfully carrying out all these tasks of the cultural revolution we must make our culture a true people's culture which serves the socialist working people, a militant and revolutionary culture which contributes positively to the revolutionary struggle and constructive work.

3. Ideological Revolution, the Revolutionization and Working-Classization of the Whole Society

Comrades,

The ideological revolution is an acute class struggle to liquidate capitalism finally even in the domain of man’s consciousness and an important revolutionary task of completely freeing the entire working people from the fetters of all obsolete ideologies and arming them with the progressive working-class ideas, the ideas of communism. To carry out the ideological revolution thoroughly or notamounts to the question of whether to carry therevolution through to the end or not and, accordingly, this is one of the fundamental questions whichdetermine the success of the building of socialismand communism. A Marxist-Leninist Party which has seized power can triumphantly accomplish therevolutionary cause of the working class only when it repudiates all deviations that may be manifestedhere and solves this problem accurately. Historicalexperience shows that if a Marxist-Leninist Partydoes not steadily enhance the class awakening of the popular masses and strengthen the ideological revolution among them, the influence of bourgeoisideas will increase and the revolutionary consciousnessof the working people is paralyzed and, consequently,not only the socialist system can hardly beconsolidated and developed further but even thegains of the revolution already won can be jeopardized.

On the consistent line of the Party we must continue to drive forward the ideological revolution energetically and give it definite precedence in all work.

To realize the working-classization of the whole society while strenuously carrying on the revolutionization of all the working people by giving priority to the ideological revolution is a weighty task that must be fulfilled without fail in the period of transition from capitalism to socialism. Only by working-classizing all the members of society, is it possible to obliterate the class distinctions, build a classless society and win complete complete victory for socialism. However, even after the whole society has been working-classized and the tasks of the period of transition from capitalism to socialism carried out successfully, the survivals of outworn ideologies cannot be eradicated completely from the minds of people and, it cannot be said that all the working people have become real Communists. Even after the complete victory of socialism the Marxist-Leninist Party should continue the struggle to revolutionize all the working people, consolidating the success in the working-classization. Only in this way, can the ideological fortress of communism be conquered completely.

During the period under review we have vigorously conducted the work of carrying through the Party's line of the revolutionization and workingclassization of the whole society and registered no little success in this field. This is no more than an initial achievement, however. We have just started the work now. We should further deepen and develop the work of revolutionizing and working-classizing the working people on the basis of the successes and experiences gained in the past period.

For the working-classization and revolutionization of the whole society, ideological education should, first of all, be further intensified among the working people.

We should continue to conduct communist education vigorously among the working people.

What is fundamental to communist education is ass education. There can be no communist ideas apart from the revolutionary ideas of the working class nor can there be communist education apart from class education. The class consciousness of the working class forms the kernel of communist ideology. Therefore, only when the working people are firmly armed with the class consciousness of the working class can they be turned into real Communists. We should equip all the working people with the working-class viewpoint so that they will hate the class enemies and fight relentlessly against imperialism and the exploiting system. Particularly, we should further deepen the hatred of the working people for U.S. imperialism and Japanese militarism, the main objects of our struggle, and firmly prepare the entire people ideologically so that they may battle staunchly at any time to force the U.S. imperialists out of South Korea and carry the revolutionary cause of national unification through to the end.

Collectivism is one of the most intrinsic characteristics of the working class. It is the basis of life in socialist and communist society where the working people are closely united and strive to attain the common goal. We should keep paying profound attention to strengthening the education of the working people in collectivism. To equip people with collectivism a struggle should be stepped up among them against individualism and egoism, above all. Education should be intensified among the working people to cultivate in them the revolutionary spirit of loving collective and organization and devotedly working at any time and at any place for the benefit of the society and the people, for the benefit of the Party and the revolution, instead of seeking personal ease and comfort, so as to make all the working people work, study and live in the communist spirit of "One for all and all for one."

To foster communist attitude towards labour holds an important place in communist education. We should educate the working people to love labour, regard it as the most honourable thing, display voluntary enthusiasm and creativity in their work and sincerely participate in communal labour for collective and society.

Education in socialist patriotism should also be stepped up among the working people. Socialist patriotism is an idea of love for the socialist fatherland where there are the power of proletarian dictatorship, the socialist system and the independent national economy, which are the gains of our revolution. Only when the working people are firmly armed with the idea of socialist patriotism, can they resolutely fight for the prosperity and progress of the fatherland and for the victory of the revolution. We should convince all the working people clearly of the revolutionary essence of the power of proletarian dictatorship, the true superiority of the socialist system and the might of the independent national economy so that they take high pride and glory in living in the socialist fatherland and infinitely treasure the socialist gams won and secured by our people at the cost of their blood and sweat and strive actively for their further consolidation and development. We should patiently educate all the working people to value and protect the property of the country and the people with the attitude of a master towards the nation's economic life and strive with all their wisdom, talents and energies to make greater contributions to the building of a socialist fatherland, rich and strong.

The communist education of the working people must necessarily be conducted in close combination with education in the revolutionary traditions.

Our revolutionary traditions were established in the course of creatively developing the Marxist-Leninist theories to suit the specific conditions of the Korean revolution and thoroughly combining revolutionary theories and revolutionary practice; and they are a priceless revolutionary wealth obtained amid the flames of the unprecedentedly arduous and sanguinary anti-Japanese armed struggle. Experience shows that communist education, when linked up with education in the revolutionary traditions, has vital influence and moves people boundlessly. Education in the revolutionary traditions is necessary for everyone, and it is all the more essential particularly to the younger generation who have not undergone the ordeals of revolutionary struggle. Revolution continues and one generation is replaced by another steadily. Only when the rising generation are educated in the revolutionary traditions will it be possible to bring them up into genuine continuators of our revolution and carry on the revolution through generations.

We should further deepen the education of the working people in the revolutionary traditions. We should fully acquaint everyone with the historical roots of our Party and our revolution and thoroughly educate him in the infinite fidelity of the revolutionary forerunners to the revolutionary cause and their indefatigable fighting will and revolutionary optimism. At the same time, the working people should be equipped with the experience in revolutionary struggle and the communist method and style of work acquired during the period of the anti-Japanese armed struggle.

Our Party's lines and policies are a creative application and development of the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism to fit in with the specific realities of our country. The lines and policies of the Party are the most correct strategies and tactics for the successful accomplishment of our revolution and a guide to all our actions. Only when the Party members and the working people are firmly armed with our Party's revolutionary ideas, its lines and policies, can they become true revolutionaries loyal to the Party and the revolution and properly carry out the revolutionary tasks assigned to them. We ought to further intensify the education of the Party members and the working people in the policies of the Party so that they may clearly understand the quintessence and correctness of the Party's policies, and make them unshakable faith. In this way, we must see that everyone works in strict adherence to the Party’s policies at any time and at any place and resolutely fights to defend and carry them through to the end in any adversities, by firmly arming himself with the unitary ideology of our Party and making the Party’s lines and policies his bones and flesh.

Revolutionary practice is a powerful means for remoulding the ideological consciousness of people. People are tempered constantly and brought up into revolutionaries in the course of the arduous and complex practical struggle for remaking nature and society. We should link the ideological work of educating and remoulding the working people closely with the revolutionary struggle and practical activities for the building of socialism and communism so that they may steel themselves ideologically and cultivate in themselves a strong revolutionary will in the course of performing their revolutionary tasks. Particularly, the intellectuals who are disconnected from practical productive activities should at all times be made to go deep into the midst of the practical socialist construction so as not only to consolidate their knowledge acquired from books and find out new scientific and technical problems but also to learn from the organization and militancy of the working class and its allegiance to the Party and the revolution.

One of the essential means for revolutionizing and working-classizing people is to strengthen their revolutionary organizational life.

A major criterion of the Communist is strong revolutionary organization. Only he who is possessed of strong revolutionary organization as well as lofty ideology pervaded with communist revolutionary spirit can be called a true Communist. Revolutionary organization of the Communist is formed and strengthened through a revolutionary organizational life.

Organizational life is a furnace for ideological training and a school for revolutionary education. Only through tightened organizational life, can one be steeled revolutionarily and brought up into a real revolutionary loyal to the revolutionary cause of the working class. We should wage a vigorous struggle to strengthen the organizational life of the working people. All people should be brought to take an active part in organizational life, observe organizational discipline of their own accord, faithfully carry out what is entrusted and assigned to them by their organizations, live under the guidance and control of their organizations and constantly receive revolutionary education.

What is most important in organizational life is to intensify the practice of criticism. To unfold ideological struggle by means of criticism and educate and remould men through ideological struggle—this is the policy consistently followed by our Party in revolutionizing people. All the organizations are required to strengthen the practice of criticism and conduct a strong ideological battle against unsound ideological elements of all descriptions.

To this end, we should resolutely fight, first and foremost, against wrong approaches to criticism and bring people to take a principled attitude toward criticism. Criticism should, in all circumstances, be such as to deliver comrades and cement unity; it should on no account be criticism for criticism’s sake. In making criticism, one must not try to shift the responsibility for one's own fault onto others, to take vengeance for his being criticized, place political stigmas on others at random or to reprimand the criticized peremptorily. Also, criticism should be conducted regularly and patiently, not in a shock campaign. We ought to educate all our people in this spirit of principled criticism, thus creating an atmosphere of revolutionary criticism and getting everyone steeled in the midst of criticism. In this way we must see that all people wage an uncompromising fight against wrong phenomena in good time and, in this course, are constantly cultivated, remoulded and revolutionized.

An important question posed in actualizing the revolutionization and working-classization of society is to make clean riddance of the way of life left over from the old society in all domains and establish a new socialist way of life throughout.

The socialist way of life is a mode of activity for those who live in socialist society and, accordingly, to establish the socialist way of life means making all people conduct their activities in all the political, economic, cultural and moral realms in accordance with the socialist standards of life and the socialist rules for action.

We have so far scored many successes in the workof establishing a new socialist way of life, but the way of life carried over from the old society is still lingering in no small measure in all domains ranging from state activity to private life, which causes an obstacle to the building of socialism and to the work of educating and remoulding the working people.

We should eliminate the way of life of the old society and thoroughly establish the socialist way of life in all domains so that all may live and behave in keeping with the intrinsic nature of our society which is based on collectivism. Capitalistic administrative laws and regulations should be done away with in all spheres of state activity, new socialist administrative laws and regulations be perfected and, especially, socialist order be fully introduced in economic work. A regular order should be established in socialist economic management and administration so that there may be no room for obsolete ideas to find themselves in the economic management and administration as a whole-from registering and inventorying, keeping and taking care of the property of the country and the people to using and handling common property. It is also required to establish a proper order of socialist community life in the every-day social life of people and steadily create the norms of cultural and moral life commensurate with socialist and communist society. Educational work should be intensified to obliterate outdated moral standards existent among the working people and, at the same time, models of new moral life be created and popularized one by one through a social movement and the standards of communist morality be perfected gradually.

All our Party members and working people, the working class and co-operative farmers and working intellectuals, ought to uphold the Party's line of revolutionization and working-classization and continue a vigorous struggle to carry it through. Our party members and working people must strive to remake themselves on communist lines and revolutionize their families and, especially, the leading functionaries, before anybody else, must revolutionize themselves and their families. Beginning with the revolutionization of families, we should revolutionize sub-workteams, workteams and people's neighbourhood units and, further, revolutionize work places and ri and gradually revolutionize and working-classize the whole society by means of creating models and generalizing the experiences. We should thus turn all our working people into ardent revolutionaries, true builders of socialism and communism, and make the whole society firmly unite with one ideology, the unitary ideology of our Party, and seethe with revolutionary mettle and creative zeal, thus bringing earlier the ultimate victory of our revolution.

4. Strengthening of the Nation’s Defence Power

Comrades,

The situation in our country is still acute and tense. The aggressive manoeuvrings of the U.S. imperialists are being further intensified and their Ail plots to provoke another war are becoming more undisguised. Under the wing of the U.S. imperialists, the Japanese militarists are also stepping up their reaggression manoeuvres against Korea. The puppet clique of South Korea, the dual stooges of U.S. and Japanese reactionaries, are running about recklessly in an endeavour to execute the war policies of their masters. In our country the danger of war is further increasing with every passing day.

To cope with the prevailing situation we must speed up socialist construction to the utmost and further strengthen our national defence power in parallel. We should continue to hold fast to the line already put forth by the Party, the line of arming the entire people, turning the whole country into a fortress, converting the whole army into a cadre army and modernizing the whole army, and should implement more thoroughly the principle of selfdefence in national defence.

The most important thing in increasing the defence capabilities of the country is to arm the entire people more perfectly. All the people should learn military affairs in earnest and take a more active part in military training. The workers, peasants and all other working people should always keep themselves fully ready to annihilate the aggressors at any place if the enemies attack us while accelerating socialist construction, with a hammer and sickle in one hand and a rifle in the other. When all the people are under arms, when all the people hate the enemy, when all the people join in fighting against the aggressors, it is quite possible to defeat any enemy.

Our People's Army is entrusted with the honourable mission to safeguard our great socialist gains and the freedom and happiness of the people from the encroachment of the enemy. The People's Army should keep itself fully ready at all times to deal crushing blows at the aggressors in good time and wipe them out, even if it encounters with any surprise attack of the enemy.

The important task in strengthening the combat power of the People's Army is to closely arm the servicemen politically and ideologically and, on this basis, make them continually study and perfect the art of war suited to the actual conditions of our country, and thereupon effect the modernization of the army.

Ours is a country with many mountains and rivers and long coastal lines. If we make a good use of such topographical conditions of our country to skilfully employ mountain warfare and night actions and properly combine large-unit operations with small-unit operations and regular-army warfare with guerilla warfare, we are fully able to destroy even the enemy who is armed to the teeth with a most up-to-date military technique. This was proved by the experience of the last Fatherland Liberation War in our country and is also proved by the experience of the Viet Nam war today.

Therefore, we must strictly base ourselves upon the specific conditions of our country in modernizing the People’s Army and developing military science and military technique. If we try, instead to mechanically copy or dogmatically bring in foreign art of war and foreign weapons and military technical materiel allegedly to modernize the People's Army, it may bring a serious loss to the national defence upbuilding.

We must perfect the art of war in such a way as to make up for the defects in the People's Army, reinforce its weak links and foster its strong points all the more in line with the requirements of the Party's military strategic thought based on a full consideration of the concrete conditions of our country and the experience of the last Fatherland Liberation War, and, on this basis, must advance our military science and military technique and constantly improve the weapons and military technical materiel of the People's Army. We must adhere in all circumstances to the principle of making lots of weapons suitable to the specific conditions of our country and modernizing military equipment commensurate with the level of industrial progress of our country. The combat training of the People's Armymen should also be conducted in such a way as to master the art of war suited to the actual conditions of our country and fully acquire our military science and military technique.

Ours is a small and newly-developed country. Frankly speaking, we are not in a position to compete with developed countries in military technical equipment, nor are we required to do so. The destiny of war is by no means decided by any modern weapons or military technique. Although the imperialists have a military technical preponderance, our People’s Army has on its part politico-ideological superiority over them. The lofty mission and revolutionary spirit of righting for the freedom and liberation of the fatherland and the people, and the noble traits such as compadeship between officers and men, conscious military discipline and bonds of kinship with the people, are bonds of kinship with the people, are the characteristic features of our People’s Army which no imperialist armed forces of aggression can ever possess. Precisely for such politico-ideological superiority as it has, our People’s Army can readily defeat the enemy who is technically preponderant.

In order to reinforce the defence power of the nation, the whole Party and the entire people also should buckle down to a further acceleration of war preparations. All the Party members and working people should combat indolence and slackness and always maintain sharp revolutionary vigilance, and keep themselves alert and ready so that they can fight to repulse the enemy without the slightest flurry no matter when he may attack us by surprise. We must never be captivated with a pacifistic mood and, in particular, must strictly guard against the revisionist ideological trend of warphobia to prevent it from infiltrating into our ranks.

The outcome of a war depends largely on whether or not the manpower and material requirements of the front and the rear are fully met over a long duration of time. We should secure an ample reserve of necessary materials by intensifying the strugglefor increased production and economy in all fields of the national economy, develop the munitions industry, reorganize the economy in conformity with the demands of the situation and prepare ourselves in advance so as to continue production even in case of war. We should, in this way, build up a firm material basis to implement more thoroughly the principle of self-defence in national defence.

Comrades, our national defence power is literally of defensive nature and is designed to defend the security of our country and our people against imperialist aggression. We have no intention to threaten or make aggression against anybody. Threat and aggression against others have nothing to do with the policies of our Party. Our country is a peace-loving socialist country, and our people is a people who loves peace ardently. From the inherent nature of our state and social system we consistently advocate peace and are doing all we can to preserve and consolidate peace. No one should, however, take our aspiration and desire and persevering efforts to preserve peace for a sign of weakness. Our people do not want to provoke others first but will never allow anyone to provoke them even a little. We are striving to prevent war, but we are never afraid of it. If the imperialists jump at us by force of arms, we shall destroy the aggressors to a man so that they may not return home alive. We shall strengthen the nation's defence power and decisively shatter any surprise attack by the enemy, firmly safeguard the socialist gains and impregnably defend the eastern outpost of socialism.

5. Balanced Improvement of the People’s Livelihood

Comrades,

It is the supreme principle governing the activities of our Party to systematically promote the welfare of the people. Our struggle for the building of socialism and communism is aimed, after all, at bringing a more abundant life to all people and making them well off evenly. As in the past, our Party will in future, too, continue to direct unending concern to the systematic improvement of the people's living.

We have already done lots of things in socialist construction and the economic assets we have gained are enormous. If we allot them all for the people's living, our people will be much better off than they are now and live as well as others. But we are still carrying on the revolution. Under the conditions that the U.S. imperialists are occupying one half of the country's territory and incessantly perpetrating provocations against the northern half of the Republic and that the cause of unification of the fatherlandis not yet achieved, we can never live in luxury and extravagance but must always lead a frugal life befitting the people in the era of revolution. While practicing economy and making accumulations to the maximum to give priority to war preparations against whatever invasion of the enemy and to material preparations for meeting the great revolutionary event of national unification in full readiness, we must strive to make the working people live free from inconveniences and to improve the living of the working people all alike.

The most important task confronting us at present for a better livelihood of the people is to rapidly eliminate the distinctions between the workers and the peasants in living standards and between the urban and rural inhabitants in living conditions. Indeed, during the period under review, our Party changed the appearance of the countryside and improved the livelihood of the peasants speedily and did a great deal of work for the building of the socialist countryside by strengthening working-class leadership over the peasantry, industry's assistance to agriculture and towns' support to the countryside. But the rural villages of our country were so backward in the past that they are still behind the towns economically and culturally, and our peasants were so ill off before that their living is not as good as that of the workers yet. We must pay deep attention to the solution of this matter and finally rid the countryside of its backwardness as soon as possible and raise the living standard of the peasantry up to that of the workers.

The most important thing for the improvement of the peasants' livelihood is to build up the counties well and enhance their role.

The county is the lowest unit of administrative leadership, which gives direct guidance to the rural areas and is in direct contact with the life of the peasantry, and it is the base for linking the towns with the countryside in all the political, economic and cultural spheres. Therefore, the development of the countryside and the betterment of the peasants’ living depend largely on the role of the countries. We should build up the counties well and enhance their role, and thus further step up the building of the socialist countryside and rapidly improve the livelihood of the peasantry. The role of the county as a supply base for the rural villages should be enhanced decisively before anything else. It is necessaryto build refrigeration plants, fruit and vegetable processing factories and meat-processing factories and provide many mobile processing facilities for every county so that meat, fruits, vegetables and other agricultural produce turned out by the peasants may be purchased and processed in good time. Meanwhile, the work of supplying the countryside with processed foodstuffs and a variety of manufactured goods should be further improved by building up the county's supply base well and rationally distributing the rural network of shops. If the county smoothly conducts the work of purchasing farm produce and supplying commodities to the countryside, the incomes of the peasants will grow faster, and they can get necessary commodities even in the countryside as readily as in towns.

One of the urgent problems in eliminating the difference between the urban and rural inhabitants in living conditions is to introduce bus service in every rural ri. The opening of bus service to the rural ri will not only free the rural working people from inconveniences in traffic, but draw closer the ties between town and country in all the political, economic and cultural realms, which will be greatly conducive to speedily getting rid of the backwardness of the countryside. In the coming few years we should improve the roads interlinking, counties and ri and open bus service to all rural ti where it is not available as yet. The countryside must be provided with water service which is of great importance for better living conditions of the rural population. We should lay on water in all rural villages as well as in those county seats which have no water service yet so that rural women may not carry water jars on their heads and that all the rural dwellers may live in a more hygienic and cultured way.

While putting primary emphasis on enhancing the living standard of the peasants and improving the conditions of cultured life for the rural population, we should take a series of measures to ensure a better life for the entire working people.

We should continue to build many dwelling houses to solve more satisfactorily the problem of the people's living. We shall launch a movement of the entire masses to build dwellings for 100,000 families in towns and 150,000-200,000 families in the countryside every year in order to make up for the present housing shortage and fill the future housing demand of the growing population. As a matter of course, great concern should be given to building cosy, convenient, modern and cultured dwelling houses. At the same time, central heating systems should be installed in Pyongyang and other major cities to make the working people enjoy a more convenient and cultured life.

In the next few years, we should rise the wages of the factory and office workers as a whole, sharply increase the wages of the factory and office workers of low-wage category in particular, drastically cut the prices of all consumer goods in keeping with an increased production of daily necessaries and various other consumer goods and reduce by more than 50 percent the prices of mass consumption goods which are in great demand by the people.

We should further develop the public health service to better protect the lives of people and constantly promote the health of the working people. We should build more hospitals, increase the number of medical workers and produce and supply more medicines and medical instruments of various kinds to further improve medical care and prophylactic work for the working people. In particular, we should build up county hospitals well, reinforce maternity facilities for the rural women, develop the clinics in rural ri into hospitals, and set up children's wards in all ri, so as to decisively improve the medical service for the rural inhabitants.

We should thus improve the living standard of all the workers and peasants evenly and ensure a happier life to all the working people of our country.

3. For the South Korean Revolution and the Unification of the Fatherland

Comrades,

The South Korean revolution is a component part of the whole Korean revolution. For the achievement of the nation-wide victory of the Korean revolution, it is essential to forcefully push ahead with socialist construction in the northern half Z of the Republic and, at the same time, further advance the revolutionary struggle in South Korea.

The period under review has witnessed tremendous changes in the South Korean situation. The U.S. imperialists have converted South Korea more thoroughly into their military base of aggression, into their military appendage, and furthered their policies of aggression and war as never before by dint of the military fascist dictatorship. On the other hand, in South Korea national and class contradictions have become more acute and the revolutionary advance of the workers, peasants and other sections of broad popular masses has been stepped up and, consequently, there has been created a more serious crisis for the colonial rule of U.S. imperialism. This, in the main, summarizes the development of the South Korean situation over the past period.

The South Korean revolution is a national-liberation revolution against the U.S. imperialist aggressors and, at the same time, a people’s democratic revolution against the stooges of U.S. imperialism—the landlords, comprador capitalists and reactionary bureaucrats—and their fascist rule. The basic task of this revolution is to drive the U.S. imperialist forces of aggression out of South Korea and eliminate their colonial domination and to overthrow the military fascist dictatorship and establish a progressive social system, thereby attaining the democratic development of South Korean society.

The U.S. imperialists are the real rulers who have seized all power in South Korea, and are the first target of struggle in the South Korean revolution. The occupation of South Korea by U.S. imperialism and its colonial rule are the root cause of all miseries and sufferings of the South Korean people. Unless the U.S. imperialist aggressors are forced out of South Korea and their colonial rule smashed, the South Korean people cannot get rid of their present wretched plight. The tiny handful of landlords, comprador capitalists and reactionary bureaucrats in South Korea faithfully execute the aggressive policy of the U.S. imperialists and, under their patronage, oppress and cruelly exploit the South Korean people.

The motive power of the South Korean revolution is the working class and its reliable ally, the peasantry, and the progressive student youths, intellectuals, patriotic-minded armymen, some patriotic-minded national capitalists and people of small-propertied classes who are opposed to U.S. imperialism and its lackeys.

The revolutionary struggle in South Korea is just struggle of the workers, peasants, progressive student youths, intellectuals, patriotic-minded armymen, patriotic-minded national capitalists and people of small-propertied classes, and other sections of the South Korean people against the U.S. imperialist forces of aggression and their accomplices-the landlords, comprador capitalists and reactionary bureaucrats.

Ever since the liberation up to the present, the South Korean people have untiringly continued their revolutionary struggle against U.S. imperialism and its underlings.

Especially in the postwar years, the revolutionary struggle of the South Korean people gradually entered a new stage of development and hewed its way through harsh trials, securing greater successes. After the war the South Korean people, inspired by the achievements made in the socialist revolution and socialist construction in the northern half, fought on staunchly against U.S. imperialism and its stooges and for political freedom, democratic rights and for the unification of the country.

In the course of this struggle, the South Korean revolutionaries and people shed much blood and suffered a number of heart-rending setbacks. But their sacrifices and failures never went in vain, which made them gradually grasp the valuable truth of revolutionary struggle that the ferocious enemy can be defeated only with an organized force.

The South Korean revolut10nanes keenly felt the necessity of building a party to closely unite the revolutionary forces as one and give co-ordinated leadership to the struggle, and positively strove to materialize it. As a result of the untiring struggle of the South Korean revolutionaries and as a reflection of the essential requirements of the development of the South Korean revolutionary movement, the Progressive Party, a legal political party of the south Korean revolutionaries, came into being in December 1955.

The Progressive Party put up a struggle programme with anti-imperialism, anti-fascism and peaceful unification as its keynote and unfolded a positive battle to rally patriotic democratic forces in various strata and oppose the policies of national split and fascistization pursued by U.S. imperialism and its henchmen. The Progressive Party acquired an increased prestige among the broad segments of the South Korean people and, especially, the peaceful unification programme advanced by the Party enjoyed a strong support of the South Korean public. This was unquestionably testified by the fact that during the puppet presidential "election" in

1956, the Progressive Party "candidate" won more than two million votes or slightly less than what Syngman Rhee, the faithful ball-carrier for U.S. imperialism, raked up, despite the outrageous suppression and frauds and swindles on the part of U.S. imperialism and its stooges. This graphically showed that the South Korean people were against thecolonial fascist rule of U.S. imperialism and its nation-splitting policy and fervently desired to see the peaceful unification of the fatherland and the democratic development of society. The U.S. imperialists and their henchmen were scared so much at the influence of the Progressive Party expanding and increasing rapidly among the South Korean people that they launched sanguinary repressions, perpetrating the bestial barbarities of arresting and imprisoning numerous members of the Progressive Party and slaying its leader Mr. Cho Bong Am, and forcibly dissolved the Party. In consequence, the Progressive Party ceased to exist in January 1958. Though the Progressive Party failed to transform the fighting spirit of the South Korean people against the enemy into a mass revolutionary movement and take effective actions for preserving its own revolutionary forces, it gave a considerable impetus to the furtherance of the trend towards national unification in South Korea and to the development of the anti-U.S., anti-dictatorship struggle of the people.

After the dissolution of the Progressive Party the U.S. imperialists and their stooges further stepped up their repressions of the patriotic people in South Korea. In spite of all hardships and trials, however, the strenuous revolutionary struggle of the people went on without letup and the revolutionary forces grew steadily in South Korea.

The Popular Uprising in April 1960 marked a new turning-point in the advancement of the South Korean revolutionary movement. The April Popular Uprising was an explosion of the enmity and resentment of the South Korean people which had long been pent up under the colonial rule of U.S. imperialism and its lackeys, and was a mass struggle of resistance for anti-U.S. national salvation involving millions of broad masses throughout South Korea. The puppet government of Syngman Rhee, old lackey of U.S. imperialism, was finally overthrown by the heroic struggle of the masses of the South Korean people including student youths and intellectuals. This was the first victory won by the South Korean people in their anti-U.S., national-salvation struggle after the war. The April Popular Uprising clearly demonstrated the heroic mettle of the South Korean people and proved that if the popular masses pool their strength and rise in a struggle against the oppressors, they can certainly crush any stronghold of the enemy. With the April 19 Uprising as a momentum the crisis of U.S. imperialist colonial rule in South Korea was further aggravated and the situation turned in favour of the revolution.

Following the April Popular Uprising the revolutionary advance of the patriots and popular masses of South Korea became intensified with each passing day and progressive political forces appeared on the scene, in the course of which the Socialist Mass Party came into being. Under the guidance of the South Korean revolutionaries the Socialist Mass Party set it forth as its immediate task to found a unified democratic state based on the line of national independence and conducted brisk organizational and political activities to lead the massive advance of the people to a national-salvation movement for the independent unification of the fatherland. The Party formed the "Central Council for the Independent National Unification,'' a united-front coalition of the broad democratic forces, and organized and directed the joint struggle of all strata of people against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys, Under the leadership of the Socialist Mass Party the fierce flames of struggle enveloped the whole of South Korea and the student youths and the people in South Korea waged a heroic fight to tear down the barrier between the north and the south under the slogans of "Unification is the only way to life,'' "Let's go north, come south, let's meet at Panmunjom!"

The Socialist Mass Party, however, could not develop the revolutionary advance of the student youths into a struggle to put an end to the occupation of South Korea by U.S. imperialism and smash its colonial ruling machine to establish a democratic government nor could it organize and mobilize to the struggle the broad sections of the masses in all strata including the workers and peasants. When the U.S. imperialists instigated the reactionary military gangsters to stage a counter-revolutionary "military coup" and made a fascist attack on the revolutionary forces, the Socialist Mass Party failed to deal a resolute counter-stroke at it, and the struggle of the student youths was suppressed in the end.

After the May 16 "military coup" the U.S. imperialists and their stooges launched themselves into naked military fascist rule in South Korea. They trampled upon even the elementary democratic freedom and rights of the South Korean people and dissolved all the progressive political parties and public organizations by force, closed down organs of the press and perpetrated barbarities of arresting, imprisoning and slaughtering hundreds of thousands of revolutionaries and patriotic people right and left. owing to such brutish suppression by the enemy the Socialist Mass Party was destroyed and the revolutionary forces of South Korea suffered heavy losses.

But in this process of struggle in the postwar years, the revolutionaries and patriotic people of South Korea became more awakened and acquired many valuable lessons and precious experiences of struggle. The historical experience of the South Korean revolutionary movement clearly proved that there can be no peaceful transition in the struggle for power and that no revolution can be led to victory by a mere mass movement. Under the patronage of U.S. imperialism the successive reactionary rulers of South Korea cold-bloodedly slaughtered progressive personalities backed by the people when there was even the slightest likelihood of their assumption of power. Whenever there broke out a mass movement of the people aspiring after national unification against U.S. imperialist colonial rule, they answered it with barbarous repression. The

Progressive Party, too, was crushed as soon as it gained popularity in the election for its slogan of the unification of the fatherland, and the Socialist Mass Party was also dissolved forcibly as it led the broad masses to the national-salvation struggle for the unification of the fatherland and won a high prestige among the people. It is a usual practice of the enemy to perpetrate terrorism against those who are inclined to take a revolutionary stand for the sake of their fatherland and nation. Shortly after the liberation the enemy assassinated Mr. Ryo Un Hyon simply because he had advocated the peaceful Unification of the country, and assassinated Mr. Kim Gu too, when he had turned progressive after attending the Joint Conference of Representatives of the North and South Korean Political Parties and Public Organizations. The revolutionaries and patriotic peoples in South Korea came to realize more keenly that they could win power only by the revolutionary struggle method under the circumstances where the reactionary South Korean rulers would not give up their ruling power meekly but were desperately resorting to counter-revolutionary violence to stifle ' the progressive forces. They drew a priceless lesson that in order to win victory for the revolution, they ·.·. had to be fully prepared to resist the counter-revolutionary violence of the enemy with revolutionary  violence while waging an active mass struggle for democratization against fascism.

Especially, the April 19 Popular Uprising and the subsequent developments afforded a serious lesson that the people could win their democratic freedom and rights only through a decisive revolutionary struggle to drive out the U.S. imperialist aggressors from South Korea and overthrow U.S. imperialist colonial rule, and that this struggle would emerge victorious only when the broad masses of the people including workers, peasants and student youths were mobilized under the leadership of a Marxist-Leninist Party, the advanced detachment of the working class.

Properly drawing on the precious experiences and lessons gained at the cost of blood in their struggle against the enemy, the South Korean revolutionaries have devoted their all to developing the revolutionary struggle in defiance of the nefarious repression by the military fascist rulers. They found in the establishment of a Marxist-Leninist Party of the working class the key to overcoming the essential weaknesses of the previous revolutionary movement in South Korea and advancing the revolution successfully and hastened the building of the Revolutionary Party for Reunification in the teeth of all hardships and difficulties.

The Revolutionary Party for Reunification, as a unified Marxist-Leninist Party, a party of the working class, was born of an arduous revolutionary struggle of the revolutionaries and people in South Korea against the U.S. imperialists and their stooges. With the emergence of the Marxist-Leninist Party of the working class, broad masses of the oppressed and exploited people in South Korea have come to have a genuine defender of their class and national interests, and the South Korean people have come to possess a reliable political general staff in their revolutionary battle for freedom and liberation.

The political stand of the Revolutionary Party for Reunification and its aim of struggle are stated explicitly in the Manifesto and the Programme of the Revolutionary Party for Reunification made public in the name of its Central Committee in Seoul in August last year.

The Manifesto and the Programme of the Revolutionary Party for Reunification emphasized that the guiding idea of the Party is the Marxist-Leninist idea of Juche, and declared that the ultimate objective of the Party is to build socialist and communist society and that its immediate objective is to overthrow the corrupt colonial and semi-feudal social system and set up a people's democratic regime on its grave by carrying out a people's democratic revolution against U.S. imperialism and fascist rule in South Korea, and, further, to accomplish the great cause of unification of the fatherland, the desire and aspiration of the nation.

The aim and programme of struggle put forth by the Revolutionary Party for Reunification reflect the law-governed demands of the socio-economic development and the unanimous aspirations of the people of all walks of life in South Korea. Therefore, they constitute the joint political programme of all the patriotic, democratic forces in South Korea in their fight against the colonial rule of the U.S. imperialist aggressors and for the democratic development of society and the independent peaceful unification of the fatherland, and constitute the aim of struggle of the entire South Korean people.

The organizations of the Revolutionary Party for Reunification took an active part in the June 3 Uprising of 1964 against the traitorous "South Korea-Japan talks," the August Struggle of 1965 to reject the "South Korea-Japan agreements," the struggle against the puppet presidential and puppet national assembly “elections” in 1967 and many other struggles, and are now playing a leading role in the revolutionary struggle of the South Korean people. In the course of struggle the Party has undergone a steady revolutionary training and gained increasing influence and confidence among the South Korean people.

Today the South Korean revolutionaries, while consolidating the organizations of the Revolutionary Party for Reunification, are firmly rallying the patriotic people around it and launching a heroic anti-U.S. national-salvation struggle underground and in mountains, in prisons and on gallows.

Comrades, in order to vanquish the counter-revolution and achieve the victory of the revolution in South Korea, it is necessary to strengthen the revolutionary forces steadily. Only when the forces of the revolution are adequately prepared, is it possible to repel the counter-revolutionary offensive of the enemy in time and, further, meet the great revolutionary event in full readiness.

What is of paramount importance in preparing the revolutionary forces is to strengthen the Marxist Leninist Party, the General Staff in the revolution, and closely rally the workers and peasants around it to firmly build up the main force of the revolution. The South Korean revolutionaries should strive to expand and strengthen the Party forces in all places where there are workers, peasants and other revolutionary masses and root themselves deeply in the masses. To expand and consolidate the mass foundation of the Party it is necessary to continue to set up mass organizations in various forms among the toiling people and solidify them.

It is required to weld all the strata interested in the revolution into a single political force, while building up the main detachment of the revolution well. This alone can thoroughly isolate the counter-revolutionary forces and secure the overwhelming supremacy of the revolutionary forces. The revolutionary organizations of South Korea should do their utmost to form an anti-U.S. united front for national salvation embracing all the patriotic political parties, public organizations, the masses of various strata and individual personages under the banner of anti-imperialism, anti-fascism and democratization. Particularly, they should make active endeavours to unite the student youths solidly in the revolutionary ranks and draw close the organizational ties between them and the workers and peasants, the main force of the revolution.

The revolutionary forces can steadily grow in scope and strength only when a widespread mass struggle is unfolded. It is only amid the flames of an active revolutionary struggle that the political awakening of the popular masses is heightened and their organizational binding promoted, and the core ranks of the revolution expand and the militancy of the revolutionary organizations increases. The more urgent the task of increasing and developing the revolutionary forces becomes in South Korea, the more actively the mass struggle should be organized and unfolded against the U.S. imperialist aggressors and their lackeys, and a correct strategic and tactical guidance should be ensured for it. What is important here is to analyse and estimate the prevailing situation scientifically, take into due account the demands of the development of the revolution and the level of consciousness of the masses, and thus put forth suitable fighting slogans and choose the right forms and methods of struggle, and to skilfully take advantage of the inner contradictions and weaknesses of the enemy and all possibilities. The South Korean revolutionaries and people should actively advance the revolutionary movement by rightly combining diverse forms and methods of struggle-the political and economic struggles, the legal, semi-legal and illegal struggles, the violent and non-violent struggles, the large- and small-scale struggles.

An important task before the South Korean revolutionaries and patriotic people at the present stage is to positively develop the mass struggle for realizing the democratization of society against the colonial rule of U.S. imperialism and the fascist suppression by its henchmen. It is important to organically link up the political struggle against U.S. imperialist colonial rule and military fascist dictatorship and for the attainment of the democratic rights including the freedoms of speech, the press, assembly, association and demonstration with the economic struggle of the toiling masses for the right to existence, and make the struggle of the student youths for political liberty more purposeful and conscious and closely combine their democratic movement with the political struggle of the workers and peasants. Also, it is necessary to build up revolutionary forces so as to crush counter-revolutionary violence by revolutionary violence and counter violence always with violence.

If the South Korean revolutionaries and people solidly build up a political army through struggles and constantly foster their revolutionary forces, they will be able to greet the decisive hour of the revolution in full readiness. Thus they will eventually topple the present reactionary regime and set up a people's democratic regime, thereby achieving the objectives of the South Korean revolution without fail.

True, the South Korean revolution will not achieve victory easily, it still has a thorny path ahead. But no amount of frenzied endeavour on the part of the enemy, no amount of trial and tribulation can ever block the way ahead of the South Korean revolutionaries and patriotic people who have risen in a sacred fight for freedom and liberation, deeply convinced of the justness of their cause, and check the triumphant advance of the South Korean revolution.

The people in the southern half are not alone in their revolutionary struggle, they have a powerful revolutionary base in the northern half. Needless to say, the South Korean revolution is a struggle of the South Korean people themselves for their liberation from the national and class oppression and exploitation by the U.S. imperialist aggressors and their minions. The oppressed and exploited popular masses can win freedom and emancipation only through their own revolutionary struggle. Therefore, the South Korean revolution should, in all circumstances, be carried out by the South Korean People on their own initiative. But the people in the northern half, being of the same nation, have the obligation and responsibility for actively supporting the South Korean people in their revolutionary struggle. The general international situation is now changing to the disadvantage of the counterrevolution and in favour of the revolution, and the progressive peoples of all the continents denounce U.S. imperialism for its aggressive policy on South Korea and strongly support and encourage the South Korean people in their righteous liberation struggle. The disintegration of U.S. imperialist colonial rule and the triumph of the revolutionary cause of the people in South Korea are sure to come.

Comrades,

The territorial partition and national split caused by the U.S. imperialist occupation of South Korea have not only spelled unbearable miseries and sufferings to the South Korean people but brought great national calamities to the entire Korean people and laid a serious obstacle to the co-ordinated development of Korean society as a whole.

To unify the divided fatherland is the greatest national task for the entire Korean people at the present stage and the most pressing task the solution of which brooks not a moment's delay.

Our Party's policy on national unification has already been known widely to the world. We have made it clear time and again that if democratic personages with national conscience come to power in South Korea and demand the withdrawal of U.S. troops, release political prisoners and guarantee democratic freedom, then we are ready to hold negotiations with them on the question of the peaceful unification of the fatherland at any time and at any place. Even after the present South Korean rulers staged the fascist military coup and usurped power, we advanced most fair and reasonable proposals for the unification of the fatherland and made persevering efforts for their materialization, hoping that they would desist from the treacheries against the country and the nation and take a truly national stand. We proposed more than once to the South Korean authorities that after the U.S. imperialist aggression army has been driven out from South Korea, the north and the south reduce their armies to 100,000 men or less respectively, conclude an agreement on refraining from use of armed force against each other, take a number of measures such as economic and cultural intercourses and mutual visits of individual personages between the north and the south and establish a unified democratic government through a free north-south general election to be held when the basic conditions are provided for attaining the unification of the country by peaceful means in accordance with the free will of the Korean people. We proposed that if the general election throughout North and South Korea is not immediately acceptable to them for some reason or other, a Confederation of North and South Korea be established first as a transitional step for solving urgent matters of common concern for the nation and hastening the unification of the fatherland.

The South Korean rulers, however, have been dead set against the independent peaceful unification of the fatherland, ignoring each time our just proposals reflecting the unanimous aspirations of the whole nation.

The South Korean puppets under the aegis of the U.S. imperialists and the Japanese militarists clamour that the unification of Korea must always be a “unification" and that it is necessary to foster power for it; they prattle that actions have to be taken to "protect" South Korea against the fictitious "threat of southward aggression." This is nothing but a smokescreen for covering up their design to stifle the South Korean revolution, and their aggressive ambition to invade the northern half of the Republic by force of arms. Under such absurd pretexts the enemy schemes to perpetuate the occupation of South Korea by the U.S. imperialist aggression army on the one hand, and on the other, is reinforcing the armed forces of aggression on a large scale, expanding military installations and madly stepping up war preparations in South Korea.

The "unification by prevailing over communism" vociferously advocated by the South Korean rulers means attaining "unification" after wiping out communism. This is a fantastic daydream and is nothing but a nonsensical talk of the stupid. The people in the northern half of the Republic, taking the communist ideas as their guiding principle, have built an independent sovereign state, rich and strong, and created their new happy life already for 25 Years. The communist ideas have already gripped firmly the hearts of the people in the northern half of the Republic and turned into a great indestructible material force. To unify the country excluding the Communists in Korea is, in fact, to reject unification and leave South Korea for ever in the hands of U.S. imperialism as its colony.

As for the so-called "peaceful unification programme" much vaunted of late by the South Korean puppets, it is nothing but a strategic political propaganda full of lies and deceits from start to finish, devoid of any formula for the settlement of the question of national unification. The "peaceful . unification programme" and what not advertised noisily by them are aimed at dampening the everincreasing trend towards independent peaceful unification in South Korea, covering up their treacheries against the country and the nation and diverting the attention of the world public that supports our national unification programme.

How can we discuss the question of the unification of the country with those traitors to the nation who hamper the independent peaceful unification of the country and repress the struggle of the South Korean people for national unification by bayonets, implore for the continued occupation of South Korea by U.S. troops, usher in South Korea even the aggressor forces of Japanese militarism, sell out their fellow countrymen to foreign countries as slaves, herd young and middle-aged South Koreans into the war of aggression in Viet Nam as bullet shields for the U.S. imperialists?

The peaceful unification of the country is utterly unthinkable so long as the U.S. imperialist aggression army and the present puppets are left alone in South Korea.

For the accomplishment of the cause of national unification, it is essential to chase out the U.S. imperialist aggressors, the main obstacle to the unification of our fatherland, from South Korea and liquidate their colonial rule, overthrow the present military fascist dictatorship and win the victory of the revolution. When a true people's regime is thus established in South Korea, the unification of our fatherland will be smoothly attained by the united efforts of the socialist forces in the northern half of the Republic and the patriotic, democratic forces in South Korea.

With no frantic manoeuvres can the U.S. imperialists and their minions break the staunch fighting will of the Korean people to unify the country. The entire people of North and South Korea will firmly unite and vigorously fight against the U.S. imperialists and their stooges and thus surely frustrate the insidious machinations of the enemy to perpetuate the split of the nation, and unify the fatherland without fail.

4. For the Strengthening of Solidarity with International Revolutionary Forces

Comrades,

During the period under review our Party has made a timely and correct appraisal of the changing complex international situation and followed a just foreign policy, and has done a great deal of work in the domain of international relations. The independent and principled foreign policy of the Party has won support of many fraternal parties and countries, numerous revolutionary organizations and people of the world and further consolidated the international position of our country. We have come to have a large number of revolutionary comrades and friends internationally and the international solidarity of our revolution is being cemented steadily. This is a result· of the serious efforts made by our Party for solidarity with the international revolutionary forces, and a conclusive proof of the correctness of our Party's foreign policy.

The international environments of our revolution remain complex and strained still today. But the general trend of developments is turning in favour of the people who fight for peace and democracy, national independence and socialism and to the disadvantage of the forces of imperialism and reaction. The main feature of the present international situation is that whereas the anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle of the people is surging up with each passing day, the imperialists headed by U.S. imperialism are further stepping up their policies of aggression and war.

All the events that have taken place in the international arena in recent years reveal more glaringly the aggressive and predatory nature of imperialism, above all, U.S. imperialism. The aggressive ambition of U.S. imperialism knows no bounds. With the invariable aim of dominating the whole world, U.S. imperialism is stretching out its crooked hands of aggression to all continents, all regions and all countries of the world, be it Asia or the Near and Middle East, Africa or Latin America, Europe or Oceania and big or small countries, and is maliciously challenging the cause of peace and democracy, national independence and socialism. As it is on the decline and hard pressed, U.S. imperialism resorts more desperately to the policies of aggression and war.

While overtly pursuing the "policy of strength," the U.S. imperialists are putting up ostentatious signboards of "peace," "negotiation," "intercourse" and what not and ballyhooing about what they call "peace strategy." But this is no more than their stereotyped deceptive artifice to hide their true colours as aggressors and divert the world's attention elsewhere. The "peace strategy" of U.S. imperialism means precisely a war strategy in its inverted form. It is under the very cloak of "peace" that the U.S. imperialists carry out barbarous wars of aggression against the progressive peoples and it is also under the cloak of "peace" that they intensify their manoeuvrings to soften up other countries ideologically and politically.

U.S. imperialism is the most ferocious and shameless aggressor and plunderer of modern times and the principal common enemy of all progressive peoples of the world.

There is no more pressing task than fighting against the U.S. imperialist policies of aggression and war in the international arena today. Only through a relentless struggle against the U.S. imperialist forces of aggression, can world peace be safeguarded and the struggle for national liberation and independence and for democracy and socialism be crowned with victory.

Today the struggle of peoples against the U.S. imperialist policies of aggression and war has become a trend of the times that cannot be held in check. The flames of the anti-imperialist, nationalliberation struggle of the Asian, African and Latin American peoples are flaring · up furiously, the working-class movement is growing in intensity in capitalist countries and more peace-loving people are coming out in the struggle against the aggression and war policies of imperialism headed by U.S. imperialism. The anti-war movement of people has assumed a mass character in the United States itself. U.S. imperialism is being battered in all parts of the world and driven into dead ends internally and externally.

In order to check and frustrate the U.S. imperialist policies of aggression and war, the anti-U.S. struggle should be unfolded more actively and more extensively in every part of the world, be it Asia or Europe, Africa or Latin America and in all countries, big and small. A powerful anti-war movement should be waged on a world-wide scale first of all against U.S. imperialism's criminal aggression on Viet Nam, and all the anti-imperialist forces should render more positive support to the peoples of Indo-China and other peoples of fighting countries. Meanwhile, all the peace-loving countries and progressive peoples of the world should fight more resolutely against the aggressive manoeuvres of the U.S. imperialists in the divided countries. The U.S. imperialist policies of aggression and war can be foiled successfully and world peace and security preserved and consolidated only when fierce revolutionary flames of the anti-imperialist, anti-U.S. struggle are kindled in all parts of the world where U.S. imperialism sets foot and all the antiimperialist forces strongly support and encourage the revolutionary struggle of peoples.

Comrades, Asia has become the fiercest battle front against imperialism, the main arena of the anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle today. The U.S. imperialists are directing the spearhead of aggression to Asia precisely because there are many revolutionary countries, fighting countries in this area and the anti-imperialist revolutionary movement is going on fiercely and the foothold of the imperialists is shaken to its very foundation in this region.

The U.S. imperialists are making all desperate efforts to check the rapid growth of the revolutionary forces and prop up their colonial rule in Asia.They are working to smash piecemeal by force of arms those Asian countries which are carrying on the revolution, while trying to subvert from within those countries which are feeble ideologically and whose anti-imperialist stand is infirm, through intensified ideological and cultural infiltration.

The U.S. imperialists, revealing their burglarious nature openly, not only continue their criminal war of aggression against the Vietnamese people but further intensify their armed intervention in Laos and, of late, have thrown their armed forces of aggression and the mercenaries of their satellite countries into action to make a naked armed invasion of Cambodia. As a result, war has spread all over Indo-China. The U.S. imperialists perpetrate provocative acts every day to ignite another aggressive war in Korea and continue to occupy Taiwan, an inalienable territory of the People's Republic of China, incessantly stepping up their aggressive acts against the Chinese people.

In an endeavour to cover up their policy of Asian aggression, the present U.S. rulers are clamouring much about a sort of change in their policy. But there has been, and can be, no change in the aggressive policy pursued by the U.S. imperialists in Asia. The only change, if any, is that their aggressiveness and craftiness have increased further. While stepping up aggression by mobilizing their armed forces directly, the U.S. imperialists are seeking a more sinister aim to materialize their aggressive designs on Asia without difficulty mainly by means of "making Asians fight Asians," raking up Japanese militarism and other satellite countries and puppets in Asia in accordance with the notorious "New Asia Policy." Owing to such aggressive manoeuvrings of the U.S. imperialists the situation has become tense to the extreme everywhere in Asia, and world peace as a whole is exposed to a grave danger.

All the peace-loving countries and progressive peoples of the world can never look with folded arms on the U.S. imperialists expanding the war to the whole area of Inda-China and intensifying aggressive manoeuvres in all parts of Asia; they should rise as one in a determined struggle to stop and frustrate the war policy and aggressive manoeuvrings of U.S. imperialism. There can be neither vacillation nor passivity in this matter.

U.S. imperialism is the mastermind of Asian aggression and, accordingly, without fighting against the U.S. imperialist aggressors, the peace and security of Asia cannot be maintained and consolidated.

In order to thwart the U.S. imperialist aggression in Asia, it is of importance to cement the fighting solidarity of the peoples of the revolutionary Asian countries in particular.

From a long time ago the peoples of Asian countries have a brilliant tradition of victoriously frighting hand in hand against imperialism and for the revolution. The Korean and Chinese peoples joined in fighting against Japanese imperialism and also fought together against U.S. imperialism to victory. The peoples of Inda-China victoriously fought side by side against the French and Japanese imperialists and are now unfolding a joint struggle against U.S. imperialist aggression.

Today the aggression of U.S. imperialism bands all the revolutionary Asian countries in a single common front against U.S. imperialism. The peoples of Korea, China, Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia suffering directly from U.S. imperialist aggression and all other revolutionary countries in Asia should further consolidate the anti-imperialist, anti-U.S united front, wage a forceful anti-U.S. joint struggle to deal a more powerful collective counterstroke at the U.S. imperialist aggression on Asia. The U.S. imperialist aggressors should thus be driven out from South Korea and Taiwan, from South Viet Nam and Laos, from Cambodia and all other parts of Asia where they have set foot, and their stratagem of making Asians fight Asians be foiled. Though the U.S. imperialists are bluffing now, they can not hold out and will be chased out of Asia in the end when all the peoples of Asian countries making revolution join in dealing collective blows and bringing pressure to bear upon them with the support of the world's revolutionary peoples.

The Asian peoples and the world progressive peoples are confronted today with a very urgent task to struggle against the revival of Japanese militarism while frustrating the aggression of U.S. imperialism.

Under the active patronage of U.S. imperialism, Japanese militarism has now raised its head again in Asia; it renders an ever-growing menace to world peace and the independence and security of Asian countries. This cannot but arouse a deep anxiety and apprehension of all those who treasure peace in Asia and the world.

Japanese militarism is the sworn enemy of the Asian peoples, which has been historically accustomed to invade other countries with the backing of big imperialist powers. In the past the Japanese militarists in collusion with the U.S. and British imperialists and under their patronage, occupied Korea, stretched out their talons of aggression to the Asian continent and brought immeasurable sufferings and calamities to the Asian peoples. In conspiracy and collaboration with fascist Germany and Italy, they also ignited the Pacific War and ran wild to become the "leader" in Asia. Japanese militarism fattened on aggression and war and, at last, ruined in the war. The history of crimes committed by the Japanese militarists against the Asian peoples and all humanity is still fresh in the memory of peoples.

And this crime-woven history of the Japanese militarists is repeating today. The aggressive nature of Japanese militarism remains unchanged and will never change.

With the backing of U.S. imperialism, the revived Japanese militarism is now overtly stretchingout its tentacles of aggression again to Korea and other Asian countries and recklessly running about to realize its old dream of the so-called "Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere." Armed forces of aggression are now being built up on a full scale in Japan to meet the demands of the "New Asia Policy" of the U.S. imperialists and the overseas expansion policy of Japanese militarism. The rearmament manoeuvres stepped up by the Japanese militarists under an extremely rapacious plan to dominate Asia are entering a grave stage as the days go by. The reactionary ruling circles of Japan are spurring on militarization and further speeding up the fascistization of the internal structures, never failing to clamour that Japan should play a "leading role in Asia" and that it is high time for Japan to have "military power commensurate with her national power."

The reactionary U.S.-Japan alignment for Asian aggression has been further strengthened especially in recent years. The conspiracy and collaboration between the U.S. imperialists and the Japanese militarists is presenting a greater threat because U.S. imperialism is directing the spearhead of aggression to Asia, using Japan as a base. The U.S. imperialists, further stepping up their policies of aggression and war in Asia, have set out utilizing more actively the military and economic potentialities of Japan, their junior ally and military base of aggression, for the execution of their aggressive policy, while the Japanese militarists are working to carry into effect their ambition for overseas expansion, availing themselves of the U.S. imperialists' Asian strategy. The frantic manoeuvres of the Japanese militarists for rearmament and aggression are nothing but a direct product of the Asian strategy of the U.S. imperialists.

Japan has again become the hotbed of fresh aggression and war in Asia, against which the Asian peoples have to heighten their vigilance. Our country is the first target of attack for Japanese militarism in its foreign aggression. The Japanese militarists have already begun creeping into South Korea. Under the manipulation of U.S. imperialism, they have worked out most reckless war plans to invade Korea, openly scheming to send their armed forces of aggression to the Korean front, and have gone so far as to declare the Democratic People's Republic of Korea a zone of operation.

With a foul ambition for overseas expansion the Japanese reactionaries are now bustling about as they please in all parts of the world with impunity, under the cloak of "peace" and "helper," and intensifying their economic and cultural infiltration into countries in Southeast Asia, the Near and Middle East, Africa and Latin America. Pretending to be "friends" of Asian, African and Latin American peoples they are craftily manoeuvring to dampen the anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples in these regions and disorganize the anti-imperialist front.

The struggle against Japanese militarism is a struggle to safeguard peace in Asia and the world and a main link in the chain of the struggle to check and thwart the Asian strategy of the U.S. imperialists. All the peace-loving peoples of the world must further intensify the struggle against Japanese militarism and foil its aggressive ambitions by concerted action, while struggling against U.S. imperialism.

One must not harbour any illusion in the Japanese reactionary ruling circles or pin any hope on them. It is an immutable law of imperialism that when monopoly capital inflates at home, it takes the course of foreign aggression. Japanese monopoly capital has already swelled to the fullest extent and re-established its supremacy. The Japanese militarist policy of rearmament and overseas expansion is carried out precisely on the basis of the revival of Japanese monopoly capital and the establishment of its ruling system.

If one refuses to see the aggressive nature of Japanese militarism and fight against it and eulogizes Japan's reactionary government or gets on in timate terms with it, it is tantamount to further increasing the danger of war in Asia and encouraging its overseas expansion. It will also lead to consolidating the position of U.S. imperialism in Asia and weakening the anti-imperialist struggle as a whole.

The rearmament of Japanese militarism and its manoeuvres for foreign aggression should be decisively curbed and the aggressive U.S.-Japan alignment should be thwarted definitely. Especially the cloak of "peace" must be stripped off the Japanese militarists; they must be isolated in the international arena and their manoeuvres to soften up the anti-imperialist front fully exposed and shattered.

In order to oppose Japanese militarism and smash the aggressive alignment of the U.S. and Japanese reactionaries it is important to support the Japanese people in their struggle and cement solidarity with them. The struggle of the Japanese people is striking a bitter blow at the Asian aggression of U.S. imperialism and the revival of Japanese militarism and contributing greatly to the cause of peace in Asia and the world.

The Workers' Party of Korea and the Korean people are watching the dangerous developments in Japan with sharp vigilance. Our Party and people will never tolerate the reaggression scheme of Japanese militarism but will continue to fight resolutely against it. We shall, especially, fight to the last in firm unity with the Japanese people and all the anti-imperialist revolutionary forces in Asia, to check and frustrate the insidious manoeuvres of the reactionary Japanese government which actively collaborates and assists in the aggressive manoeuvrings of U.S. imperialism against Korea and to abrogate the criminal "South Korea-Japan treaty" concluded under the manipulation of U.S. imperialism.

In collusion with U.S. imperialism, the Japanese militarists are running amuck to invade Korea and other Asian countries and become the "leader" of Asia, but this is no more than a fantastic daydream.

Asia today is not the backward Asia of yesterday. The days are gone when the imperialists lorded it over Asia. Hundreds upon millions of Asian people who were long oppressed and plundered imperialism have risen vigorously and appeared on the scene of history. The political, economic and military might of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the People's Republic of China has been strengthened incomparably, the furious flames of the liberation struggle of the heroic Vietnamese people and other peoples of Indo-China are raging with an irresistible force, and the revolutionary a.; wakening of the Japanese people is being heightened still further. No imperialist force can conquer the Asian people and break their united strength. The Asian people have now grown into a great revolutionary force of our times that carries imperialism and colonialism to their graves. If the Japanese militarists launch out again on the adventure of aggression against Korea and other Asian countries despite the warnings of the Asian people and the progressive people of the world, they will finally bite the dust before the great revolutionary force of the Asian people.

In order to defeat the imperialists headed by the U.S. imperialists, not only the peoples of the Asian countries engaged in revolution but the peoples of all the revolutionary and fighting countries in the world should further strengthen their solidarity. The U.S. imperialists fear the united strength of the world revolutionary peoples more than anything else. Hence, they are resorting to the strategy of preventing the revolutionary and fighting countries from pooling their strength and of destroying the revolutionary forces piecemeal by every artifice. This strategy of the U.S. imperialists has to be foiled decisively.

The peoples of revolutionary countries in Asia, the Palestinian people and other fighting Arab peoples, the African and Latin American peoples fighting for freedom and liberation and all the revolutionary peoples of the world should be firmly banded together to deal blows at U.S. imperialism and dismember it. The peoples in revolutionary and fighting countries should tear arms and legs off U.S. imperialism and behead it in all parts of the world. When the world revolutionary peoples, even if their forces might be small taken singly, thus all unite and wage a forceful battle against U.S. imperialism and dismember it everywhere, it will be ruined in the end.

Comrades, the Korean revolution constitutes a part of the world revolution, and the victory of the Workers' Party of Korea and the Korean people in the revolutionary struggle depends in a large measure on the strengthening of solidarity with the international revolutionary forces as well as on the consolidation and development of the revolutionary forces in North and South Korea. The greater support and sympathy we win for our revolutionary cause by cementing the solidarity with the international revolutionary forces, the further we can isolate the U.S. and Japanese reactionaries and their stooges and the more favourable international environments we can create for the advancement of our revolution. Cemented solidarity with the international revolutionary forces is one of the important factors at present in forcing the U.S. imperialist aggressors out of South Korea, accomplishing the national-liberation revolution, dispelling, the tension in Korea and in achieving the peaceful unification of our country. Our Party and people therefore, should make every possible effort to promote the international revolutionary movement and knit close ties with it, while strengthening and developing our own internal revolutionary forces in every way.

The Workers' Party of Korea and the Korean people, holding aloft the banner of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and the revolutionary banner of the anti-imperialist, anti-U.S. struggle, will, in future, too, as in the past, continue to fight staunchly against U.S. imperialism and Japanese militarism, for the triumph of the cause of peace, democracy, national independence, socialism and communism in unity with the peoples of socialist countries, in unity with the Communist and Workers' Parties, in unity with the international working class, in unity with the fighting peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America and in unity with all the peace-loving peoples of the world.

5. For the Strengthening of Party Work

Comrades,

Our great victories and successes achieved in the revolutionary struggle and constructive work during the period under review owe to the correct lines and policies of the Workers' Party of Korea and its wise leadership. Our Party, taking Marxism-Leninism as its invariable guiding principle, mapped out the most correct lines and policies suited to the specific realities of our country in each period of the development of the revolution and proficiently organized and mobilized the entire Party membership and working people for their implementation.

In the course of carrying out difficult and intricate revolutionary tasks and through the fierce struggle against the internal and external enemies, our Party has been more seasoned and steeled, and strengthened and developed into an indestructible revolutionary party.

Today the unitary ideological system has been solidly established within our Party and the whole Party has attained monolithic unity and cohesion based on Marxist-Leninist ideas, the Juche idea of our Party. This is the most important result made in Party work during the period under review and the basic factor making for the further increase of the fighting capacity of our Party.

In the past period, the internal and external conditions of our Party's activities were very difficult and complicated. The imperialists stepped up as never before their aggress10ns and war provocation manoeuvrings in all parts of the world, and revisionism appeared in the international communist movement and obstructed its unity and cohesion, causing ideological confusion. Particularly, the situation in our country where we stood face to face with the U.S. imperialists was more complicated and strained. U.S. imperialism and its stooges kicked up war rackets almost every day against the northern half of the Republic and threw many hindrances in the way of the socialist construction of the country.

As the aggressive machinations of the imperialists were intensified and revisionist ideological trends penetrated from without, revisionist elements lurking within the Party did not implement the Party's policies sincerely, resorting to the method of double-dealing, and machinated overtly and covertly to resurrect bourgeois ideas and feudalistic Confucian ideas.

By rousing its organizations and rank and file to action our Party thoroughly exposed and smashed the insidious manoeuvrings of the bourgeois and revisionist elements and battled sternly against all and every tendency to oppose the lines and policies of the Party and undermine its unity. We also unfolded a vigorous ideological struggle to uproot the noxious aftereffects of reactionary and opportunist ideologies of all sorts spread by them.

While waging a resolute struggle against the bourgeois and revisionist elements and their noxious ideological aftereffects, our Party tirelessly strove to equip Party members and working people with the revolutionary ideas of the Party and build up in them the tone of defending and implementing the party's lines and policies to the end.

Consequently, today our Party is pervaded throughout with the Marxist-Leninist ideology, the revolutionary ideology of our Party, and the entire Party membership and working people are armed with the unshakable faith that they know no other ideas than the revolutionary ideas of our Party, and have become able to measure all matters by the standards of the Party's policies and wage a principled fight against any phenomena incompatible with them without the slightest compromise. With the whole Party membership firmly armed with the unitary ideology of our Party, the unity and militancy of the Party have been further strengthened. All the Party organizations and members have come to think and act with one mind and will based on the unitary ideology of the Party and have been rallied closely around the Party Central Committee. The Party has turned into an integral living organization like an organic body, into a revolutionary and militant organization which is capable of breaking through any storm and stress.

Today the unity and cohesion of our Party have been uplifted to a new, high plane and have become most vitalized and most solid. We can say is not until today that the unity and cohesion of the Party we Communists wanted to see so much have been fully realized on the basis of the unitary ideological system of Juche. This is a splendid fruit of our protracted strivings and a great victory of historic significance in our Party building.

Comrades, the Marxist-Leninist idea of Juche constitutes the quintessence of the revolutionary ideas of our Party, the unitary ideology of the Party, and the unitary ideological system of our Party is the ideological system of Juche.

During the period under review the Party unrolled a struggle for cementing the unity and cohesion of the Party based on the unitary ideological system in close combination with the battle for establishing luche in all domains of the revolution and construction, thereby not only attaining the unity of its ranks but also ensuring the overall victory of the Juche idea. The Juche idea has now become the firm and invariable guiding idea of our Party and the most correct guiding principle in all our revolutionary struggle and constructive work. This is another most cardinal result of our Party's activities during the period under review.

Establishing I uche means, in a nutshell, having the attitude of master towards the revolution and construction in one's own country. This means holding fast to the independent stand of rejecting dependence on others and using one's own brains, believing in one's own strength and displaying the revolutionary spirit of self-reliance, and thus solving one’s own problems for oneself on one’s own responsibility under all circumstances, and it means adhering to the creative stand of opposing dogmatism and applying the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism and the experiences of other countries to suit the historical conditions and national peculiarities of one’s own country. The Juche  idea is in full accord with, the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism; it came into being as a reflection of the new stage of development of the international communist movement and its essential requirements .

The question of establishing Juche posed as a question of particular importance for us owing to the peculiarities of the historical development of our country, its geographical environments and conditions and the complex and arduous nature of our revolution.

Flunkeyism in our country is of long historical origin. There had long been formed in the minds of some of our people the servile idea of disbelieving in their own strength and blindly worshipping and trailing behind others. Even after the liberation flunkeyism still remained a great obstacle both to the revolution and construction and to the consolidation and development of the Party. Coupled with dogmatism, it worked greater harm.

Even at a time when the people became masters of the country and came to have their own state power and Party, those who were infected with flunkeyism and dogmatism did not study our realities but sought to copy foreign things mechanically, still disbelieving in their own strength and turning to others. The harmfulness of flunkeyism a dogmatism was revealed glaringly during the war and it became all the more intolerable as the socialist revolution and socialist construction proceeded on a full scale after the war. With the opportunist ideological trend spreading widely in the international communist movement, the flunkeyists and dogmatists went so far as to bring it into our country. Unless flunkeyism and dogmatism were rooted out and Juche thoroughly established, it was impossible to conduct the revolutionary struggle and constructive work with success in strict adherence to the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism. Historical experience shows that when a person takes to flunkeyism he becomes an idiot, when a nation takes to flunkeyism its country ruins and when a party takes to flunkeyism it makes a mess of the revolution and construction.

From the first days of its leadership over the revolution, our Party waged an untiring struggle against flunkeyism and dogmatism and for the establishment of Juche and unfolded it more energetically as the revolution and construction deepened and developed. Especially, during the period under review the struggle for the establishment of Juche in the revolution and construction went on in greater scope and depth than ever before, closely linked up with the struggle against opportunism. The Party unrolled a powerful ideological struggle against flunkeyism, dogmatism and opportunism of all complexions arnong cadres and Party members and, at the same time, educated them in the brilliant revolutionary traditions of our Party and, in particular, patiently taught them to arm themselves firmly with its lines and policies and solve all problems in conformity with the actual conditions of their country and mainly with their own efforts.

The struggle for the establishment of Juche has brought about a fundamental change in the ideological life of the Party membership and the working people and in their way of thinking and resulted in a great leap forward in the revolutionary struggle and constructive work. The practice of blindly despising our own things and swallowing foreign things whole has disappeared from among cadres and Party members, whose national pride and consciousness of independence have increased further and there has been thoroughly settled in them the revolutionary trait of relying on their own efforts. Now we can say that flunkeyism, national nihilism and dogmatism as ideological trends have been eliminated in the main from among our Party members and people. The establishment of Juche in ideology is a great victory in the realm of the ideological revolution that has freed our people from the shackles of obsolete ideas detrimental to their consciousness of national independence.

Our Party has endeavoured for the thoroughgoing embodiment of the Juche idea in all domains of the revolution and construction along with the establishment of Juche in ideology. All the lines and policies of our Party stem from the Juche idea and are pervaded with it. Our Party's consistent principle of independence in politics, self-sustenance in economy and self-defence in national defence is the embodiment of the Juche idea in all realms. Under the revolutionary banner of the Juche idea our country has turned into a socialist state with complete political sovereignty, solid independent national economy, strong self-defence power and brilliant national culture. The establishment of Juche has also enabled us to contribute better to the international revolutionary cause today. All our victories represent a shining victory for the Juche idea of our Party and are a great fruit borne by the independent line of our Party.

During the period under review our Party has also made a great stride forward in improving the system and method of work in conformity with the requirements of the developing realities.

We strove, first of all, to convert Party work thoroughly into work with men and established in all Party organizations the work system with the primary stress laid on work with men. The system of work with cadres and the system of guidance for the Party life of Party members were founded perfectly in the whole Party and there were established the work system and method of educating the masses to rally them around the Party and dynamically organizing and mobilizing them to the fulfilment of revolutionary tasks.

Especially, we continuously gave deep concern to fully embodying the Chongsan-ri spirit and Chongsan-ri method in Party work.

In its method and style of work, a ruling party should always guard against the tendency to wield party authority and practise bureaucratism. After a party has come into power, the danger of putting on airs and violating the mass line increases among some functionaries who are not armed firmly with the Marxist-Leninist world outlook. That is why the party should constantly improve its method and style of work in order to implement the mass line and ensure proper leadership for the revolution and construction.

During the period under review the Party intensified the ideological battle against bureaucracy among the functionaries and perseveringly strove to enhance their Party spirit, working-class spirit and popular spirit and carry into effect the Chongsanri spirit and Chongsan-ri method in all spheres of Party work, and thus brought about a radical change in the improvement of its style of guidance and method of work and further deepened Party work. Through the struggle for the introduction of the Chongsan-ri method, the outmoded bureaucratic style of work that had obstructed the advancement of Party work for a long time was eliminated in the main and all the functionaries came to possess the revolutionary style and method of work, and democracy was given full scope within the Party. The Party also established a well-organized work system whereby the functionaries of higher organs personally go down to lower units to give substantial assistance to their subordinates as required by the Chongsan-ri method. The Centre was made to help the provinces, the provinces to help counties the functionaries of county organs were brought to go down constantly to ri and untie knotty  problems in good time and help the subordinates in their work responsibly, working together with ri functionaries. The Party saw that the leading functionaries went out to local places and extensively organized methodological and demonstration lectures to teach work method to the lower-unit functionaries by living examples and that they further consolidated the foundations of Party work and actively conducted the work of educating the junior functionaries on the spot by the new form of itinerant lecture.

It is an essential demand of the Chongsan-ri method and a revolutionary work method emanating from the intrinsic character of the Communists to give precedence to political work so as to constantly enhance the political awakening of the masses of the people and lead them to carry out their revolutionary tasks of their own accord. Our Party strictly adhered to the principle of giving precedence to political work in all activities, and in fulfilling any revolutionary task, it made a point of fully explaining and disseminating the relevant Party policy among all Party members and the masses so that they could be enlisted in the struggle to carry it out with a high degree of revolutionary enthusiasm. In conducting political work, work with men, the Party maintained the revolutionary work method of putting the whole Party and the entire people into action in such a way as one person rouses then to activity, ten persons a hundred and a hundred persons a thousand. We saw that cadres and nuclei were adequately educated first to give education and assistance to Party members and that the vanguard role of Party members was enhanced to educate the broad masses and inspire and stimulated them to the fulfilment of revolutionary tasks.

With the establishment of the work system under which the upper units help the lower and functionaries at higher organs go down to local places to teach the subordinates, and cadres and nuclei educate Party members and the masses and rouse them to action, not only Party work has turned into work with men but also the intentions of the Party Central Committee have been brought home instantly to the lower units and the superiors and the subordinates have been more closely united and better understood by each other. All Party members actively advance their creative suggestions on the furtherance of Party work, and the Party organizations are accustomed to lend their ears to the voices of Party members and accept their constructive views open-heartedly. Indeed, fully displayed in our Party today is the fine communist trait of the superiors assisting the inferiors and comrades helping each other, and all Party members take part in Party work as masters. This is a highly valuable achievement we have made in Party work.

During the period under review the ideological education of Party members has been further intensified and the habit of studying thoroughly implanted in the whole Party.

In line with the Party's correct policy, a well-arranged system of Party membership education has been set up covering the whole Party and the contents and methods of the education further improved. The educational network has been organized in all domains and in all units and run under the centralized guidance of the Party Central Committeein which all Party members are embraced to receive regular political and ideological education.

The fast-developing realities urgently demanded higher political and practical levels of cadres and Party members. Hence, our Party strove hard to have a revolutionary trait of studying established among cadres and Party members. The Party made it a rule for all cadres and Party members to have more than two hours of study a day and for cadres to have collective studies every Saturday, and saw that lectures were given regularly. Especially the Party took bold steps for having all cadres in active service sent to political schools of various levels for one-month training every year. Studying has now become a most important revolutionary task and an entirely regular routine in our Party.

With the establishment of the revolutionary trait of studying in the whole Party and with the enhancement of the Party spirit and the political and practical levels of cadres and Party members, the unity and cohesion of the Party have become more conscious and voluntary ones, and all the cadres and Party members have become able to render better service for the Party and the revolution with a high degree of political awakening.

Comrades,

During the period under review we have registered big achievements in Party work and gained many valuable experiences and lessons.

Big and numerous as they are, our successes and experiences are no more than a groundwork for further strengthening our Party and winning fresh victories. We should continue to consolidate and develop the Party organizationally and ideologically and further raise its leading role in the revolution and construction.

What is most important in strengthening the Party is to establish the unitary ideological system throughout the Party and, on this basis, continue to ensure the solid unity and cohesion of the Party ranks.

The identity of ideology and will is the life of a Marxist-Leninist Party and a decisive factor in all victories. If any alien idea incompatible with the unitary ideology of a party is allowed within the party even to the slightest degree or if the unity of action is not secured, such a party, in fact, can hardly be called a party. Factions are bound to arise in a party which lacks unity and cohesion based on a unitary guiding ideology. Consequently, such a party cannot unite the masses around itself and ensure unified leadership in the revolution and construction nor can it maintain even its own existence properly.

We should continue to deepen and develop Party work, firmly carrying on, as our general task, the work of establishing the unitary ideological system more thoroughly in the Party, with the Marxist-Leninist ideology, the Juche idea of our Party an unshakable guiding ideology, and of strengthening, on this basis, the identity of ideology and will of the Party ranks.

The essential of Party work is work with men. In other words, Party work is precisely an organizational and political work with people for arming cadres, Party members and the masses with one ideology and will and rallying them closely around the Party and for organizing and mobilizing them to the implementation of the Party's policies. We should oppose all deviations of reducing Party work to a technical and business affair and carry on Party work, always putting the primary stress on work with men.

The Party organizations should direct great efforts to the work with cadres above all.

Cadres constitute the main nuclear force of the Party and the commanding personnel of our revolution who directly organize and guide the execution of the Party's lines and policies. The Party's leadership over the revolution and construction is, in the final analysis, carried into effect through cadres and all problems are solved by them.

The most urgent task in the work with cadres today is to decisively step up the struggle for uplifting the political and business qualifications of cadres.

True, all our cadres are good cadres and we have built up the ranks of cadres mainly with those faithful to the Party and the revolution. But our cadres are not prepared well enough to keep abreast of the rapidly developing realities and their qualifications, as a whole, are low in view of the requirements of the Party. This is chiefly because the struggle for revolutionization is not yet intensified among the cadres. No small number of cadres neither study hard nor faithfully participate in party life on the pretext that they are busy with work. And among our cadres there are some who, neglecting their revolutionary tempering, like to stand on their dignity once they are promoted to high posts, do their work in a slipshod manner, become bureaucratic and arrogant, giving no ears even to the admonition of their comrades, and try to show off, thinking it their inherent right to hold their present posts. As a result, they get rotten and degenerated ideologically in the end and go the length of dropping out of the revolutionary ranks.

Our reality in which socialist construction has developed onto a high plane and, especially, the ideological revolution has further deepened, requires competent cadres now more than ever before. Only when the cadres themselves are thoroughly revolutionized and firmly prepared politically and practically before anyone else, can they run advanced socialist society properly, guide the ideological revolution correctly, speed up the revolutionization and working-classization of society and meet the great revolutionary event of national unification in full readiness. Elevation of the qualifications of cadres-this is a precondition for the successful solution of all questions arising in our revolution and construction at the present period.

We must pay primary attention to the work of educating the cadres and wage a more powerful Party-wide struggle to revolutionize them and raise their political and practical levels.

In the first place, Party life should be decisively tightened among the cadres. Experience shows that when cadres, whoever they may be, neglect Party life and get out of the Party's control, they become, without exception, indolent, lax and arrogant and cannot properly perform their revolutionary tasks. We should resolutely combat the tendency among cadres to shun Party life and see that all cadres, without exception, take an active part in Party life and voluntarily observe the organizational discipline of the Party. All our cadres should always make conscious efforts to rely on the Party organizations in their work and life and to get themselves controlled by the Party organizations and rank and file Party members.

It is particularly important to temper the cadres in the practice of sharp criticism. An atmosphere of principled criticism should be created among the cadres and they should be criticized regularly. All cadres must strive to possess the traits of a revolutionary who knows how to criticize himself on his shortcomings in time and frankly accept criticisms made by rank and file Party members. The Party organizations should lead cadres to intensify an ideological struggle through the practice of criticism and steadily steel themselves in a revolutionary way amidst a stern ideological struggle.

Also, in order to elevate the qualifications of cadres, it is necessary to induce them to study hard. Studying is the first and foremost task for a revolutionary. Without studying one can hardly become a genuine revolutionary and cannot carry on his revolutionary work either.

All cadres should study hard the Party's policies to firmly arm themselves with the ideas of our Party and get fully acquainted with the Party's policies and take them as the s,tandard in conducting their work at any time and at any place. The cadres should constantly acquire knowledge on political, economic, cultural, military, and all other spheres and should be proficient in the work assigned to them. Everyone must study, and especially the responsible cadres must study harder. The Party organizations should strictly supervise the studies of responsible cadres and direct particular attention to building up in them the habit of conscious study.

We should continue to run properly the system of one-month training course the vitality of which has been proved in practice, and make it compulsory for all cadres to take the training once a year. Also, we should see that, of those who have not undergone any systematic education, the directors and chief engineers of factories and enterprises, chairmen of co-operative farms and other functionaries who directly organize and guide production are preferentially sent to cadre-training institutions for reeducation. We should also strenuously educate and temper cadres through their practical work and create models in all fields and widely arrange methodological lectures for generalizing the models so as to steadily enhance the levels of the cadres

It is of weighty importance in educating cadre to firmly establish the system of individual education. The Party organizations of all levels should bring the leading personnel to constantly study the cadres in their charge and make patient efforts to educate them individually. A well-regulated, Partywide system of educating cadres should thus be established under which all cadres educate others while getting themselves educated at all times in such a way that cadres at upper units educate their men at lower units, who, in their turn, educate their subordinates at yet lower units.

The Party organizations, while strengthening the work of raising the qualifications of cadres, should continue to pay profound attention to the correct selection and allocation of cadres. They should strictly adhere to the Party's invariable principle of placing main emphasis on the political qualifications of people in adequate consideration of their practical qualifications in the selection of cadres, and pick out as cadres the workers tested and steeled in practical struggle and other people of basic class origin such as former hired farm-hands and poor peasants. The Party organizations should strictly guard against the wrong tendency of going only by family and social environments in the selection of cadres, and should, under all circumstances, select cadres mainly in consideration of their political and ideological preparedness. In this way, the ranks of our cadres should be built up firmer on a class and political basis.

In order to consolidate the ranks of cadres and timely replenish cadres demanded in all fields of the revolution and construction, a system of training reserve cadres should be established properly. The Party organizations should mark out reserve cadres among those on the job and train them well and, at the same time, select many reserve cadres from among nuclear Party members tested and tempered in practical struggle, especially, core workers of factories and enterprises in the key industrial branches and train them systematically.

What is important in strengthening the training of reserve cadres is to fortify cadre-training institutions and enhance their role. We should build up well the teaching staff of cadre-training institutions at all levels with those qualified politically and practically, conduct instruction and education on the basis of the Party's policies and in close association with practical activities and further raise their scientific and theoretical levels.

The Party organizations should always perform the work of selecting, allocating, educating and training cadres on the basis of their Party life and firmly carry it forward as a work of the Party committees. Especially, in order to reinforce the ranks of cadres they should decisively discard the subjective work attitude of evaluating cadres only in the light of their personal records and always test cadres through their Party life and practical activities and systematically study and grasp them.

Another important thing in Party work is to conduct the work with Party members well, and especially to strengthen their Party organizational life.

The Party is a political organization in which the masses of Party members are united. For a Party to be a powerful, living and militant organization, all the members who comprise the Party must be sound politically and ideologically and must work actively on the Party's organizational principles. Party life is the organizational and political life of Party members and the activity for discharging their duties as provided for in the Party Rules. The main link in Party work lies in correctly guiding the Party life of Party members and the foundation of Party building also lies precisely in strengthening the Party life of Party members. Only when Party life is strengthened, the Party spirit of Party members is tempered, their vanguard role enhanced in the revolution and construction, and the revolutionary tasks before us can be carried out with success.

To tighten their Party life all the Party members should be made, in the first place, to participate in Party life willingly. Nothing is more honourable and obligatory for the Party members than to participate in Party life. The entire Party membership must positively strive to scrupulously rely on the Party organizations and participate in Party life faithfully in accordance with the organizational standards of the Party. We must see to it that democracy is given fuller play in the Party life of the Party members and the weapon of criticism is upheld to firmly establish a revolutionary atmosphere of Party life within the Party.

To correctly organize and properly guide the party life of the Party membership is an important guarantee for strengthening Party life. The Party organizations should give each Party member a distinct Party assignment suited to his specific qualities, check up its fulfilment in time and actively help him in its accurate implementation and, when the given task is fulfilled, sum it up and assign him to a fresh task so that all Party members always have Party assignments and are kept on the move at all times. The Party organizations should regularly sum up the Party life of the Party members in an atmosphere of sharp criticism and organize and hold Party meetings on a high political and ideological level. All Party members should thus be made ardent political activists who are wholesome politically and ideologically and struggle resolutely for the carrying out of the Party's lines and policies in the van of the masses.

While giving Party members revolutionary education, we should steadily expand the ranks of the Party and continue to improve its qualitative makeup. In our country today, the new generation who have received a great deal of socialist education since liberation are emerging as reliable masters of the country and playing an important role in all realms of the revolution and construction. The Party organizations should actively admit fine people into the Party from among the new generation reared by the Party, especially from among the workingclass youths. In this way, the qualitative composition of the Party ranks should be further improved and the ranks of its nuclei steadily expanded and our Party developed into a Party which is always vibrant with a revolutionary spirit.

In order to strengthen work with cadres and work with Party members the role of Party cells should be enhanced. A Party cell is a combat unit directly executing the Party's policies among the masses and the lowest organization of our Party to which every Party member belongs and in which he leads his Party life. We should firmly build up the nuclei of Party cells and steadily raise their role to have all the Party cells more skilfully conduct work with cadres and Party members.

At the same time, the work of the Party committees at all levels should be strengthened. The Party committees should put the system of work with cadres and Party members to rights and make organized efforts to give a more effective guidance to their Party life.

In order to make the Party committees militant general staffs which function vibrantly, the Party committees of all levels should be formed with cadres and core Party members in proper combination. Especially, large numbers of core worker-Party members who are directly engaged in labour at production sites should be enlisted in the Party Central Committee and provincial, city and county Party committees. The proper representation of core workers in the Party committees will not only increase the working-class character of our Party but also render it possible for the Party to strike deeper roots in the masses and closely study and grasp how matters stand at the lower units and take correct actions for guidance in good time. This will also make it possible to rear large numbers of new working-class cadres and enable cadres to learn the working-class viewpoint and the revolutionary spirit and militancy of the working class through Party committees.

It is very important to enhance the role of the organizational departmepts of the Party committees at all levels in strengthening work with cadres and with Party members. The Party organizational department is a section that takes charge of the Party ranks and directly controls and leads the Party life of the members. Whether Party organizations are active or not and whether the Party ranks are built up firmly or not depends chiefly upon the role of the Party organizational departments. The Party committees should further improve the work of the organizational departments so that they may give proper guidance to the Party organizations, systematically study and grasp the Party life of the cadres and Party members and direct and control it properly.

To intensify the guidance of the Party life of cadres and Party members the organizational and the propaganda and agitation department of the Party committee are required to conduct concerted operations well. We can say that the organizational department plays the role of a doctor while the propaganda and agitation department plays that of a pharmacist in guiding cadres and Party members in their Party life. In order to cure a person of a disease the doctor must diagnose the case accurately and the pharmacist prepare medicine in accordance with the diagnosis. Likewise, for the strengthening of the Party life of cadres and Party members, the organizational department should always grasp their Party life and scientifically analyse and pass a right judgement on the defects revealed in it and their causes and, on this basis, the propaganda and agitation department should conduct appropriate ideological education to rectify the defects.

In this way, we should activate all cadres and Party members well on the organizational principles of the Party and turn all the Party organizations into living militant organizations which carry out their functions correctly.

The Party organizations should further strengthen work with the masses.

The revolution is for the good of the people and is the work of the popular masses themselves. Unless the broad masses are organized and mobilized, the revolution cannot emerge victorious, and whether or not a great number of masses are won over is, in the final analysis, a fundamental question which decides the triumph and success of the revolution and construction. Therefore, a Marxist-Leninist Party, while reinforcing its ranks, must always strive to educate and remodel the broad masses of the people and rally them closely around it. The line consistently followed by our Party in work with the masses is to correctly combine the class line and the mass line so that the class positionsof our revolution are solidified and all people except a handful of the reactionary class enemies are educated and remoulded to rally them firmly around the Party.

The main masses constitute the class foundation our Party relies on. Only by properly educating the main masses to heighten their class awakening constantly, can we reinforce the class positions of our revolution and firmly build up the main detachment of the revolution. The Party organizations should strengthen their work with the main masses to solidly arm them politically and ideologically and further enhance their role on all fronts of socialist construction.

Meanwhile, we should properly conduct work with the masses whose social and political backgrounds are complex. It is our Party's traditional principle of work with the masses to appraise people case by case attaching the first importance to their present conduct, trust and test them and remould them through struggle. By thoroughly establishing the revolutionary mass viewpoint in cadres and Party members and actively performing work with the masses in all walks of life who have complex social and political backgrounds, the Party organizations should accelerate class dissolution to exercise dictatorship over the reactionary elements and to educate and remould all the people that can be won over, thereby uniting them closely on the side of the revolution.

For strengthening work with the masses the role of the working people's organizations should be further enhanced.

It is a Marxist-Leninist principle in the guidance of the masses to do work with them by the medium of the working people's organizations. Only by positively rousing the working people's organizations to activity can we knit the masses closely around the Party and rightly organize and mobilize thern to the revolution and construction.

An important task in the Party's guidance of the working people's organizations is to increase their independence so that they may take the initiative in organizing and carrying out their activities. By the strengthening of the Party's guidance of the working people's organizations we never imply that the Party should take their work upon itself. The substance of Party guidance of the working people's organizations lies precisely in helping them carry on their activities well in an independent and creative manner in accordance with the Party's lines and policies. The Party organizations should induce the functionaries to have correct viewpoint on the working people's organizations, actively put them to the fore in work with the masses and boldly assign them to tasks. The working people's organizations should be provided with proper working conditions and clearly shown orientations of work and ways and means of carrying out their tasks to suit their respective peculiarities, so that they can organize and conduct work with the masses positively and skillfully.

In order to intensify the work of the working people's organizations the nuclear ranks should be built up firmly among the masses. The Party organizations should steadily expand the nuclear ranks  in the working people's organizations and guide them well to reinforce the ranks of cadres who are their basic nuclei. All the working people's organizations should thus be made to rouse the nuclei to activity, thereby positively educating their members and properly setting them in motion to fulfil their basic tasks accurately.

The most important.· task confronting the working people's organizations today is to wage the struggle for revolutionization and working-classization well among the working people.

The working people's organizations should intensify ideological education among their members and, especially, make them all take an active part inorganizational life to educate and temper them with patience. Organizations of the General Federation of Trade Unions, the Union of Agricultural Working People, the League of Socialist Working Youth and the Democratic Women's Union should firmly carry on their inner work and thereby make all their members Red fighters of the Party, staunch builders of socialism and communism and dynamically organize and mobilize them to the implementation of the Party's policies.

Particularly, it is very important to strengthen the work of the League of Socialist Working Youth. The LSWY, as a militant organization of the youth who is heir to our revolution, is a reliable reserve and active assistant of our Party. The future of the fatherland and the prospects of the revolution depend, after all, on how the youth is brought up. Consequently, to heighten the role of the LSWy ls an important matter that concerns the future destinies of the country and the nation.

The LSWY should organize and conduct work with the youth of all strata in a more active way, with main stress on the ideological education of the youth. The LSWY organizations should work hard to thoroughly establish the unitary ideological system of the Party among the leaguers, to organize diverse activities suit.ed to the features of the youth and to educate them revolutionarily. All the youth should thus be made to have high pride and self-respect in their great contribution to the revolutionary struggle, to the cause of building socialism and communism and to the sacred work of remaking nature and reforming society, and always lead a revolutionary life in the spirit of revolutionary optimism for the future, wrapped in a cheerful and vibrant atmosphere. The LSWY organizations should especially strengthen work with the school youth and children to rear them into successors to our revolution who are boundlessly faithful to the

Party, and into versatile builders of socialism and communism who are possessed of ample knowledge, good moral character and strong physique. We should see to it that the youth, always upholding the policies of our Party, creditably discharge their honourable duty as the vanguard, as the shock brigade, taking the lead in the hard and difficult work in national defence and on all fronts of economic construction.

One of the important tasks before the Party organizations is to intensify Party ideological work.

Along with Party organizational work, Party ideological work is an important inner-Party work and it is unthinkable that either of these two can be separated from the other. Only when Party organizational work and Party ideological work are well co-ordinated, is it possible to strengthen the party organizationally and ideologically and increase its combat capacity steadily.

The central task before the field of Party ideological work is to continue to push ahead efficiently with the work of thoroughly founding the unitary ideological system in the whole Party. The Party organizations should strengthen education in the Party's policies and revolutionary traditions and step up the struggle against all morbid ideologies such as bourgeois ideas, revisionism, flunkeyism, dogmatism, factionalism, parochialism and nepotism, thereby arming all Party members and working people more firmly with the unitary ideology of our Party, the Juche idea of the Party. At the same time, Party members and working people should be constantly brought to class awakening and solidly equipped with the spirit of combating the enemy uncompromisingly and with the spirit of socialist patriotism and proletarian internationalism.

A particularly important task in Party ideological work at present is to intensify ideological education against revisionism among the Party members and the working people.

Revisionism is a trend of counter-revolutionary opportunist ideology aimed at rejecting the revolutionary quintessence of Marxism-Leninism. The greatest harm of revisionism lies in denying the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist Party and the dictatorship of the proletariat and opposing the class struggle, in obscuring the line of demarcation between friend and foe, yielding to U.S. imperialism, scared at its policy of nuclear blackmail, casting sheep's eyes at the imperialists while paying lipservice to an anti-imperialist position, giving up the struggle against imperialism and compromising with it, disarming people ideologically by spreading warphobia, bourgeois pacifistic ideas and illusions about imperialism and reaction, and in abhoring and hindering the revolution of the oppressed peoples. The canker of revisionism lies also in objecting to revolutionary organizational discipline and advocating bourgeois liberalism, in encouraging selfishness and making people indolent, dissolute and work-shy. Revisionism is, in the final analysis, a dangerous idea that undermines socialism and revives capitalism. Therefore, we can never neglect the struggle against revisionism among Party members and working people. If a Marxist-Leninist Party does not wage a struggle against revisionism but tolerates the revisionist ideological trend in itself even to the slightest degree, such a party cannot become a fighting party, a militant revolutionary party, and will be reduced to an impotent petty-bourgeois party in the long run.

We must continue to intensify ideological work against revisionism among the Party members and the working people. While the Party members and working people are closely armed with the revolutionary ideas of Marxism-Leninism, they should be brought to get a clear idea of the essence and harmfulness of revisionism, and a resolute struggle should be waged to prevent the infiltration of the virus of revisionist ideology into the Party. Revisionism engenders and breeds on the soil of bourgeois ideas and spreads widely through their medium. Revisionism is also the main factor in reviving bourgeois ideas. Therefore, in order to overcome revisionism we should thoroughly uproot the noxious aftereffects of bourgeois ideas. We must further intensify the struggle against all the harmful aftereffects of the obsolete ideologies including bourgeois and feudalistic Confucian ideas among the Party members and the working people, and continue to vigorously conduct ideological education so that there may be no room for the revival of old ideologies. In particular, a determined ideological struggle should be waged against all kinds of unsound practices of refusing to honestly participate in socialist collective labour and of encroaching upon the state and social properties.

Our country still remains divided and we are building socialism in direct confrontation with the U.S. imperialists, the chieftain of world reaction. By no means are we allowed to get self-complacent, indolent and lax. We must continue to equip Party members and working people firmly with the revolutionary ideas of our Party and fill them with the revolutionary militant spirit to fight out for the ultimate triumph of our revolution. We should unfold a strong ideological battle among Party members and working people against all sorts of unsound ideas incompatible with revolutionary ideas and against all practices unworthy of revolutionaries and meticulously conduct ideological work so that the revolutionary traits of work and the revolutionary tone of life are built up more thoroughly in all realms. We should thus see to it that all the Party members and worki.ng people always live in a revolutionary way and that all our revolutionary struggle and constructive work develop on a sound basis.

In order to smoothly carry out the tasks set before the field of Party ideological work at present, it is necessary to further improve the organizational leadership of the Party organizations over ideological work. The Party organizations of all levels should conduct their ideological work efficiently in conformity with the levels and actual conditions of the Party members and in close association with the fulfilment of the immediate revolutionary tasks. It is required to link propaganda work rightly with agitation work and properly co-ordinate varied means of propaganda and agitation, and thus organize ideological work in an offensive way and fully ensure its promptitude. The Party organizations should continue to intensify Party ideological work in such a manner as to arrange it concretely in keeping with realities, check and grasp in time how it is implemented and sum up the results and arrange it again, thereby eliminating perfunctoriness decidedly in Party ideological work.

For the strengthening of Party ideological work it is necessary to reinforce the ranks of functionaries in the field of ideological work and further enhance their role and make all cadres conduct political and ideological work in a responsible way among the Party members and the working people, combining it with their practical activities. All Party workers and functionaries of administrative and economic organs should propagate the Party's policies widely among the masses in various forms and ways including lectures, talks and explanations everywhere they go, and regularly conduct political and ideological work.

Comrades,

While consolidating the Party organizationally and ideologically and rallying the broad masses of the people around it closely, we must further enhance the role of the Party in leading the revolution and construction.

The basic task of our Party at the present stage is to step up socialist construction energetically in the northern half of the Republic and support the South Korean people to accomplish the South Korean revolution and attain the unification of the fatherland. Our efforts to strengthen the Party organizationally and ideologically are, after all, aimed at increasing the fighting capacity of the Party and successfully carrying out this revolutionary task lying before us.

Our Party is the General Staff in the Korean revolution and the political leader of our people. Our Party bears the whole responsibility for the revolution and construction in our country and for the des tinies of our people. Without the leadership of our Party, it is impossible to advance our revolutionary struggle and constructive work even an inch or hope for a bright future of our people.

Experience shows that only under the unitary leadership of the Party is it possible for the state, economic and cultural institutions and the working people's organizations to ensure the unity of action in the struggle for the accomplishment of the historic cause of the working class and purposefully to organize and mobilize the entire popular masses to the struggle for the building of socialism and communism. Today the internal and external situations of our country are complex and the revolutionary struggle and constructive work are deepening and developing still further, and this reality urgently requires a further enhancement of the leading role of the Party in all domains of socialist economic construction and defence upbuilding.

We should strengthen the leadership of the Party over the revolutionary struggle and the work on construction in conformity with the demands of the developing realities and the prevailing situations.

First of all, Party guidance of socialist economic construction should be strengthened.

What is important in the guidance of economic work is that the Party committees should be good at steering. The Party's steering of economic activities means defining orientations and ways for th execution of the Party's policies and adopting correct decisions on the basis of collective discussion at Party committees, and politically ensuring the correct implementation of the decisions by rousing the Party organizations concerned and their members to activity. The Party committees should make it a rule to take correct measures by collective discussion on all important questions confronting them anew, do organizational work to mobilize the Party organizations at lower levels and their members, the working people's organizations and the masses to the struggle for the carrying out of the Party's policies, and check and sum up the implementation of the assignments and decisions of the committees so that they may be carried through correctly. This alone makes it possible to do away with the subjectivism and arbitrariness of an individual person in the guidance of economic work, enhance the independent role and sense of responsibility of the functionaries of ministries, administrative bureaus, economic organs and enterprises, and timely rectify deviations and shortcomings revealed in their work.

The Party committees should see to it that the state and economic organs manage and operate our economy in a more scientific and rational way by constantly improving the methods of guidance and management of economy in line with the requirements of the Taean work system and the new system of agricultural guidance, excellent forms of management of the socialist economy created by our Party, thoroughly implementing the policy of unified and detailed planning of the national economy and regularizing the management of enterprises.

The people's committees at all levels are the most comprehensive transmission belt linking the Party with the popular masses, executor of the lines and policies of our Party and householder in charge of the people's living.

The Party organizations should endeavour to firmly build up the people's committees of all levels with fine workers who are firm in class position, boundlessly loyal to the Party and popular with the people, and to enhance their functions in the revolution and construction. The Party organizations should help the people's committees politically to fully exercise state power over all organs, enterprises and residents in the area under their jurisdiction, and should lead them to fulfil their role as householder who has the direct responsibility for protecting and looking after the people's livelihood and the property of the state and society and managing all the economic life.

We should further strengthen Party leadership over such organs vested with a great deal of function of the proletarian dictatorship as the People's Army, public security organs and judicial and pro-curatorial organs.

To intensify the leadership of the Party over the army is a fundamental requirement for the building of revolutionary armed forces. Only under the leadership of the Party can the People's Army get strong and grow into an invincible revolutionary armed force and accomplish its lofty mission. During the period under review we overcame in good time the tendencies to weaken the leading role of the Party, slight political work, hinder even proper military training and implant warlord-bureaucratism in the army and strengthened the leadership of the Party over the army and Party political work in the army, thus making it possible to further increase the combat power of the People's Army.

In future, too, we should see that the work of the Party committees in the army is decidedly strengthened and that all the activities of the People's Army are organized and conducted under the leadership of the Party committees. All the military and political affairs in the army should be discussed and decided upon collectively at the Party committee of the unit concerned, and a work system should be firmly established under which military personnel engage in military activities, political workers in political work and the logistical personnel in logistic work in accordance with the decisions of the Party committee. The Party committees in the army should especially tighten Party control over the military commanders so that they may always rely on the Party committees in their work and faithfully participate in Party organizational life.

While strengthening the Party committees, we should elevate the role of the political organs, political workers and, particularly, the political commissars, that directly organize and execute Party political work in the People's Army. The political organs and the political workers should energetically conduct the political and ideological education of the servicemen and make positive efforts to fully ensure combat and political training and the work of perfecting combat readiness of the units, on Party lines and in a political way.

Along with Party leadership in the army, the Party guidance of the Red Worker-Peasant Militia should be strengthened. The Party committees at all levels should lead the Red Worker-Peasant Militia to consolidate its ranks, intensify military and political training among the militiamen and perfect its combat readiness and commanding system still more.

Party leadership over the public security and judicial and procuratorial work should be further strengthened. The Party committees should hold regular discussions on the public security and judicial and procuratorial work, steer it in the right direction and thoroughly guide and control all the activities of the public security organs and judicial and procuratorial organs. The public security organs and judicial and procuratorial organs, as political defenders of the Party, should positively safeguard the policies of the Party, supervise their execution in all domains and all units and, particularly, ferret out and thoroughly suppress all the spies and subverters and saboteurs who attempt to do harm to our state and social system. Besides, a struggle should be waged to establish a strict regime and order and strengthen revolutionary discipline in all domains of state and social life.

We should thus unfold an active struggle to strengthen the Party organizationally and ideologically and enhance its leading role in the revolution and construction, thereby increasing the fighting capacity of the Party in every way and pushing ahead with our revolutionary struggle and constructive work more dynamically under the leadership of our Party.

Comrades,

During the period under review our Party has led the popular masses to bring about great victories and achievements in the revolution and construction.

Our socialist system has been further consolidated, and is displaying its great superiority. Firm material foundations have been laid on which we can rapidly develop the nation's productive forces, steadily promote the welfare of the working people, powerfully support the South Korean people in their revolutionary struggle and meet the great revolutionary event of the unification of the fatherland in full readiness, and our military power has been strengthened incomparably. Our society has developed onto a higher stage and our country is in a period of unprecedented prosperity.

The whole Party and the entire people are united firm around the Party Central Committee with one ideology and will, the whole society is wrapped in a gay and lively atmosphere and everyone is full of revolutionary ardour and revolutionary optimism.

All this attests to the correctness and indestructible vitality of our Party's policies and demonstrates the inexhaustible might of our people who vigorously march ahead under the leadership of the Party.

Our Party and people have had manifold difficulties on their way of advance, and we have gone through many an ordeal. Under the leadership of the Party, however, our people have surmounted all the difficulties and trials by waging indomitable struggles, always deeply convinced of the justness of their cause, and have built our socialist fatherland more splendidly.

Our struggle is now a more forceful and proud one and wider prospects are open before us. When the grandiose programme set forth by the Party Congress is translated into reality, the socialist system in the northern half of the Republic will be further strengthened and an epoch-making progress be attained in the struggle of our people for socialism and communism. The materialization of this programme will further inspire and encourage the South Korean people in their revolutionary struggle against the U.S. imperialists and their stooges and open up a decisive phase in hastening the nationwide victory of the Korean revolution. In order to fulfil the tasks advanced at the Party Congress we should continue to struggle dynamically in a tense and mobilized posture and rush forward faster, braving all obstacles and hardships.

The revolutionary cause of the Workers' Party of Korea and the Korean people is a just one, and we are sure to triumph. Our people who are fighting for the righteous cause of revolution under the leadership of the Party will always be crowned with victories and glories. No force can ever check the advance of our Party and people.

Let us all unite still closer around the Party Central Committee and march forward valiantlytowards a bright future of socialism and communism holding aloft the banner of Marxism-Leninism, the great revolutionary banner of the Juche idea of our Party.