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March 1968

Memo to Soviet Ambassadors to Notify Heads of State and Ministers of Foreign Affairs on Soviet Views regarding the NPT and Various Proposed Amendments

This document was made possible with support from Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY)

Attachment 1

Secret Copy Nº 1

 

to CANBERRA, VIENNA, ALGIERS, BUENAS AIRES, KABUL, BRUSSELS, ABIDJAN (via Dakar), RANGOON, BUJUMBURA, OUAGADOUGOU (via Lome), [entered by hand: Dakar], BATHURST [Translator’s note: now called Banjul] (via Dakar), ACCRA, COPENHAGEN, COTONOU, LUSAKA, JAKARTA, AMMAN, BAGHDAD, TEHERAN, REYKJAVIK, SANAA, PHNOM PENH, YAOUNDE, OTTAWA, NAIROBI, NICOSIA, BRAZZAVILLE, KUWEIT, KUALA LUMPUR, VIENTIANE, BEIRUT, TRIPOLI, LUXEMBOURG, NOUAKCHOTT, RABAT, KATMANDU, LAGOS, THE HAGUE, OSLO, CAIRO, KIGALI (via Kampala), DAMASCUS, MOGADISHU, KHARTOUM, FREETOWN, BANGKOK, LOME, TUNIS, ANKARA, KAMPALA, MONTEVIDEO, HELSINKI, COLOMBO, BANGUI, FORT LAMY (via Bangui), BERNE, and SANTIAGO.

 

[Translator’s note: handwritten in the left margin next to the addressees:

MFA change Makarov coordinated Cde. Chernenko 20 [[March]]1968]

 

to the SOVIET AMBASSADOR

 

WELLINGTON – TO THE SOVIET ENVOY

Copies: NEW YORK – to the SOVIET MISSION WARSAW, PRAGUE, BERLIN, SOFIA, BUDAPEST, ULAN BATOR, BELGRADE, BUCHAREST, WASHINGTON, PARIS, LONDON, PEKING, HAVANA, PYONGYANG, HANOI, BONN, ATHENS – to the SOVIET AMBASSADOR

 

Visit the head of state (government) or Minister of Foreign Affairs and, referring to instructions of the Soviet government, make the following oral declaration, passing the text to the interlocutor: 

“In connection with the fact that the 18-Nation Committee on Disarmament has finished consideration of the draft treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and submitted this treaty to the UN General Assembly, the Soviet government considers it necessary to express to the government (of the country) its views regarding the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. 

The question of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is a question of great international importance having a direct relation to the security of all countries and ensuring world peace. 

Right now humanity is faced with a dilemma with the entire course of the development of international relations: either effective measures will be taken capable of averting the proliferation of nuclear weapons or in the coming years the number of countries possessing nuclear weapons will grow sharply and the proliferation of such weapons will proceed like a kind of a chain reaction.  

If the latter happens then the threat to people of the appearance of a nuclear war will increase, with all the consequences ensuing from this. In these conditions any conflict, even a local one, might lead to a war with the use of nuclear weapons which would draw in the entire world. The possession of nuclear weapons would give the forces of aggression, militarism, and revanchism additional opportunities to organize dangerous provocations in different regions of the world. The proliferation of nuclear weapons would unavoidably lead to a new round of the nuclear arms race which would encompass dozens of countries, diverting to the goals of destruction the resources of these countries which they so need to increase the welfare of their peoples. 

The understanding of that danger which is harbored in the further proliferation of nuclear weapons has found its reflection in the decisions of the UN General Assembly, which has called for the fastest possible conclusion of an international treaty which would close all paths to the proliferation of nuclear weapons. 

As is well-known, as a result of difficult and lengthy negotiations it has been possible to work out a draft treaty about the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons which takes into account both the recommendations of the UN General Assembly in this respect as well as the opinions and wishes of many countries. 

The provisions of the draft treaty presented in Articles 1and II determine that any kinds of proliferation of nuclear weapons are prohibited, any – direct or indirect – forms of transfer of this weaponry to anyone whatsoever is the same as control over such a  weapon. The creation of nuclear weapons by those countries who do not have them at the present time is also prohibited. 

The Soviet government notes with satisfaction that these articles of the draft treaty comprising its main body have met with approval by the overwhelming majority of countries. 

The nuclear weapons non-proliferation treaty is designed not only to shut the path to the proliferation of such weapons, but to also create the most favorable conditions for countries which are parties to the treaty who do not possess nuclear weapons to enjoy the achievements of the peaceful use of the atom. The articles and provisions concerning the provision of the terms for the peaceful use of atomic energy included in the treaty especially indicate the right of parties to treaty to develop the peaceful use of atomic energy, to take part in the peaceful international exchange of scientific and technical information in this field, and to enjoy the benefits from the development of nuclear explosive devices through the peaceful use of atomic technology which might be acquired by countries having nuclear weapons. 

In addition, the provisions in the treaty which were included in it in accordance with the desires of non-nuclear countries provide that countries which have achieved the highest level of development in the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes will cooperate in the matter of assisting the development of the peaceful atomic activity of countries which do not possess nuclear weapons. Conditions are thereby created for the peaceful use of the advantages of the peaceful use of atomic energy by non-nuclear countries, including the benefits of conducting nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes.

This means that countries which join the non-proliferation treaty will be in a more favorable situation from the point of view of participation in international collaboration in the nuclear field and they could accordingly conserve significant resources for the other vital needs of their development.  

Great attention was paid to the question of monitoring when working out the draft of the non-proliferation treaty. The draft of the treaty provides that each country that is party to the treaty which does not possess nuclear weapons will have to accept monitoring in accordance with the Charter and system of guarantees of the International Atomic Energy Agency. This system of monitoring was worked out by highly-skilled experts from various countries and has received worldwide recognition. This is a fair system which properly takes the sovereign rights of countries into consideration. 

The non-proliferation treaty will become an important step toward the solution of the other problems of disarmament. It includes a specific article which charges parties to the treaty with the obligation of holding negotiations in the spirit of good will about effective measures to halt the nuclear arms race in the near future and for nuclear disarmament, and also a treaty about general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international monitoring. Thus, the conclusion of the treaty would create more favorable conditions to solve the problem of disarmament. Right after the Moscow Treaty to Ban Nuclear Tests in the Atmosphere, Space, and Underwater, and then the Outer Space Treaty, the nuclear weapons non-proliferation treaty will become yet one more foundation achieved on the path to halting the arms race, reducing armaments, and disarmament. If the proliferation of nuclear weapons continues then the solution of the task of prohibiting nuclear weapons and their removal from military arsenals will at least be substantially impeded. 

The question of the guarantees of the security of the non-nuclear countries has great importance in connection with the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. The Soviet government has regarded with understanding the formulation of this legitimate question by countries which want to become parties to the treaty, and has done everything possible from its side to satisfy this desire. Right now a draft of a UN Security Council resolution has been prepared regarding guarantees of the security of the non-nuclear countries. Along with this the Soviet government intends to make a special statement during the adoption of the resolution by the Security Council. The Soviet government intends to declare that in the event of aggression with the use of nuclear weapons against countries which do not have nuclear weapons, or the threat of such aggression, a qualitatively new situation would arise in which countries possessing nuclear weapons which are permanent members of the US Security Council should immediately act through the Security Council in order to take the steps necessary to repel such aggression or to eliminate the threat of aggression in accordance with the UN Charter, which calls for the adoption of “effective collective measures to avert and eliminate a threat to peace and suppress acts of aggression or other violations of peace”. Therefore, any country which commits aggression with the use of nuclear weapons or threatens such aggression should know that its actions will be repelled in effective fashion with the aid of the steps which should be taken in accordance with the UN Charter to suppress aggression or eliminate the threat of aggression. 

When assessing the nuclear non-proliferation treaty as a whole one cannot fail to come to the conclusion that it meets the interests of the security of all countries and the interests of ensuring world peace. 

This treaty closes all paths and loopholes for the proliferation of nuclear weapons and provides the necessary international monitoring of countries’ observance of their obligations under the treaty. 

For non-nuclear countries it considerably expands the opportunity to develop the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes.

 The treaty lays a basis for further advances on the way to halting the arms race and for the prohibition and destruction of nuclear weapons. 

The treaty submitted by the 18-Nation Committee on Disarmament to the UN General Assembly is the result of the collective efforts of many countries. Each of its provisions was subjected to careful and comprehensive examination. Right now the common task of all countries is to pursue the matter together so that the treaty is concluded more rapidly in order for its provisions be put into effect so that the mandate of the General Assembly which called upon all countries to conclude this treaty as quickly as possible is fulfilled. 

Guided by the interests of peace and the security of peoples the Soviet government appeals to the government (of the country) to support the nuclear weapons non-proliferation treaty during the discussion of the report of the 18-Nation Committee at the 22nd UN General Assembly session [when it has] resumed. The Soviet government attaches exceptionally great importance to the question of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and expects that the government (of the country) will take a favorable position on this question. The very rapid conclusion of this treaty would meet the interests of peace and we expect that the government (of the country) will be able to be among the first countries to sign it”.  

If the interlocutor raises the question of changes to the draft non-proliferation treaty proposed by various countries proceed from the following. 

In accordance with the wishes of many countries in the course of discussion of the draft treaty in the 18-Nation Committee a whole series of addenda touching on such questions was inserted in its text, such as collaboration in the peaceful use of nuclear energy, the use of nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes, holding negotiations on questions of disarmament, the creation of nuclear-free zones, holding periodic conferences to consider how the treaty is operating, the procedure for putting changes to the treaty into effect, etc. 

As regards the amendments not included in the text of the treaty the Soviet side takes the following position with respect to the main changes of these.

 1. Brazil is proposing an amendment in order to permit non-nuclear countries to create nuclear explosive devices and independently conduct nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes. This proposal is unacceptable inasmuch as devices for nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes are no different from the devices used in nuclear bombs, and leaving such a capability with non-nuclear countries would actually lead to the proliferation of nuclear weapons.

 2. Brazil and Romania propose to include in the treaty specific obligations of the nuclear powers regarding disarmament. The USSR has been and is a vigorous supporter of taking radical measures in the area of nuclear disarmament, and the realization of a program of general and complete disarmament. The Soviet Union has repeatedly submitted specific proposals on this matter, including a proposal to implement general and complete disarmament covering both nuclear as well as conventional weapons. But inasmuch as the US and the other Western powers are not seeking the accomplishment of these measures, to insist on the inclusion of such an amendment would mean bringing the matter to wrecking the agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons without at the same time moving forward the solution of the question of disarmament in any way, which would only play into the hands of opponents of the treaty.

 The conclusion of the non-proliferation treaty would just create a more favorable atmosphere to fight for the cessation of the arms race and for disarmament in general.

3. Romania is proposing the inclusion in the treaty an article about the non-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear countries; however, the wording is such that it makes no distinction between countries which do not have foreign nuclear weapons on their territory and countries on whose territory such weapons are situated. In the course of negotiations about non-proliferation the Soviet Union proposed including in the treaty a provision about prohibiting the use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear countries which do not have nuclear weapons on their territory. This provision would actually safeguard the interests of the non-nuclear countries and not protect those who permit the placement of nuclear weapons on their territory. However, the US and the other Western powers categorically refused to agree to this. In view of the impossibility of solving this problem within the framework of the non-proliferation treaty we intend to continue the struggle to prohibit the use of nuclear weapons as a separate problem, and the Soviet Union has submitted a draft convention about this question for the consideration of the 22nd UN General Assembly session.

 Inasmuch as it has not been found possible to come to agreement about this question on the basis of the proposal of the Soviet Union or on another acceptable basis it is intended as a way out to solve the problem of the security of non-nuclear countries on a basis following from the UN Charter by the adoption of a corresponding Security Council resolution and a statement with analogous or identical statement of the nuclear powers who are parties to the non-proliferation treaty.

 4. Romania is proposing a number of changes to the article on monitoring, the essence of which is to narrow the amount of monitoring of the observance of the non-proliferation treaty obligations in every possible way and to even exclude entire spheres of nuclear activity from monitoring. The adoption of these changes would create loopholes for the proliferation of nuclear weapons since they exclude from the scope of international monitoring less-enriched fissionable materials, and allow that atomic activity to be freed from monitoring which a country arbitrarily declares peaceful, etc.

 5. Brazil and Romania are submitting proposals to exclude a provision that when withdrawing from the treaty a country should inform the Security Council of the reasons which prompted it to this step. These proposals are unacceptable since they would make it easier for countries desiring to free themselves from the obligations accepted [to gain] the ability to withdraw from the treaty while at the same time ignoring both world public opinion as well as that of the Security Council, which the UN Charter has entrusted with the chief responsibility for maintaining the peace and security of peoples.

 6. Italy is proposing restricting the period of effect of the treaty to 25 years. This proposal also cannot be accepted inasmuch as it is directed at weakening the treaty obligations.

 7. Japan favors international inspection to be extended to the territory not only of non-nuclear, but also of nuclear countries. We proceed from the position that such a formulation of the question is pointless since the non-proliferation treaty does not limit *[inserted by hand: questions of] the production of nuclear weapons by nuclear countries and sets as its goal not allowing the further proliferation of nuclear weapons.

* [handwritten] a change of Cde. Kosygin.

 8. If the question of a conference of non-nuclear countries is touched upon, then proceed from the following.

 The question of convening such a conference to consider a number of problems relating to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, primarily the problem of the security of non-nuclear countries, was raised by Pakistan and some other non-nuclear countries back at the 21st General Assembly session in 1966. The Soviet delegation opposed the idea of holding such a conference inasmuch as this could slow down the solution to the problem of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Our side stressed that to solve this problem it is necessary to organize the broadest possible circle of countries and nuclear countries ought not to be set against non-nuclear ones.

 At the 22nd General Assembly session in 1967 Pakistan and some other delegations sought the convening of a conference of non-nuclear countries in March 1968. Based on the fact that opponents of the treaty, the FRG in particular, entrust great hopes to the convening of such a conference, at which they might mobilize every effort in opposing a solution of the problem of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the Soviet Union objected to the convening of the conference in March inasmuch as it might interfere with the conclusion of the work on the treaty about the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The General Assembly adopted a decision to hold the resumed 22nd session soon after 15 March to consider the report of the Committee of 18 on the question of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, and to convene a conference of non-nuclear countries in August and September 1968. The Soviet Union voted for these decisions.

 Guided by this we will seek approval of the treaty about the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons by the 22nd General Assembly session and its signature immediately after the conclusion of this session.

 Telegraph when this is done.

Document is notifying Soviet ambassadors to visit respective heads of state and Ministers of Foreign Affairs and inform them of the Soviet position on the draft treaty of the NPT given that the 18-Nation Committee on Disarmament recently finished its deliberations on the Treaty and submitted it to the UNGA.


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Sokhraniaia nasledie: Initsiativa gosudarstv-depozitariev v sviazi s 50-letiem vstupleniia DNIaO v silu [Preserving the Legacy: A Depository-hosted Initiative on the Occasion of the 50th Anniversary of the NPT's Entry into Force] (Moscow: Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2020): 54-63. Translated by Gary Goldberg.

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