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The Ho Chi Minh Mausoleum in Hanoi, Vietnam, 2012.

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Portrait of Mao Zedong on Tiananmen Gate in Beijing, China, 1972.

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Soviet soldier taking a photograph of another soldier in Red Square, Moscow, 1959

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Photograph of Zhou Enlai in 1972.

Zhou, Enlai

1898- 1976

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Choi, Duk Shin (Choe Deok-sin)

1914- 1989

North Vietnamese Decision-Making, 1973-1975

Sino-Soviet Split, 1960-1984

Dr. Syngman Rhee, 1939

Rhee, Syngman

1875- 1965

Portrait of Mao Zedong from propaganda poster

Mao, Zedong

1893- 1976

Portrait of DRV leader Pham Van Dong, 1972.

Phạm, Văn Đồng (Pham Van Dong)

1906- 2000

Deng Xiaoping, 1979.

Deng, Xiaoping

1904- 1997

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March 1, 1979	Cable from the Foreign Ministry, 'Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping Discusses the Vietnam Issue' A summary of a conversation where Deng Xiaoping said, "We are now teaching a lesson to the Cuba of the East -- Vietnam."
February 21, 1979	Cable from the Foreign Ministry, 'Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping Discusses the Vietnam Issue with a Foreign Guest' Comments made by Deng Xiaoping regarding Vietnam, or the "Cuba of the East."
January 19, 1979	Cable from the Foreign Ministry and Public Security Ministry, 'Notice on the Abrogation of the PRC-Vietnam Visa Free Travel Agreement' In light of "anti-China crazed behavior on the part of Vietnam," the Chinese Foreign Ministry and Public Security Ministry have decided to abrogate a visa agreement with Vietnam.
1969	Ahmad Hamrush, 'An Egyptian in Vietnam, Korea, and China' (Excerpts) The author of the Arabic-language book from which these excerpts are derived from is Ahmad Hamrush (1921-2011). Involved in the Free Officers’ coup of July 23, 1952, Hamrush left the army in 1955, but stayed a regime insider. He became a historian who wrote a multi-volume history of the coup, among other books; he edited several journals including the army’s al-Tahrir and the famous political magazine Rose al-Yusuf; he was Secretary General of the Egyptian Committee for Afro-Asian Solidarity in the 1960s; and he was a travel writer, as this book shows. It recounts a journey in 1968 to the People’s Republic of China, North Korea, and North Vietnam. Although in the 1950s and deep into the 1960s, African decolonization struggles had attracted much attention in the Arab world and perhaps especially in Arab North Africa, Asia was a key concern, too—in the 1960s especially Vietnam. This was of course not exceptional. As books like Quinn Slobodian’s Foreign Front: Third World Politics in Sixties West Germany (2012) have shown, Vietnam as a cause—and some Vietnamese as actors—helped midwife the German student movement in the 1960s. (In Germany, the shah’s Iran and Iranian activists mattered greatly, too, however.) To take two more examples, Vietnam as a mode and model of reference mattered to anti-Soviet Lebanese leftists in the 1960s, as Laure Guirguis’ “La référence au Vietnam et l’émergence des gauches radicales au Liban, 1962-1975” (2018) has shown, and Iranians—leftists and others—followed developments in Vietnam closely, as Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet has noted in “The Anti-Aryan Moment: Decolonization, Diplomacy, and Race in Late Pahlavi Iran” (2021). What distinguishes this text is its timing. Hamrush reflects on a journey he made soon after the Six-Day War of June 1967. That month Israel inflicted a humiliating defeat on Arab armies, including Egypt’s, the most powerful Arab state. This drastically amplified concerns some already had had about President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s (1918-1970) regime and triggered much self-critique in books like Al-naqd al-dhati ba‘da al-hazima (1968; in 2021 translated as Self-Criticism after the Defeat) by the Syrian Marxist political thinker Sadiq Jalal al-‘Azm (1934-2016).
July 2, 1957	Remarks of Senator John F. Kennedy in the Senate, Washington, D.C., July 2, 1957 On July 2, 1957, US senator John F. Kennedy made his perhaps best-known senatorial speech—on Algeria. Home to about 8 million Muslims, 1.2 million European settlers, and 130,000 Jews, it was from October 1954 embroiled in what France dubbed “events”—domestic events, to be precise. Virtually all settlers and most metropolitan French saw Algeria as an indivisible part of France. Algeria had been integrated into metropolitan administrative structures in 1847, towards the end of a structurally if not intentionally genocidal pacification campaign; Algeria’s population dropped by half between 1830, when France invaded, and the early 1870s. Eighty years and many political turns later (see e.g. Messali Hadj’s 1927 speech in this collection), in 1954, the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) launched a war for independence. Kennedy did not quite see eye to eye with the FLN. As Kennedy's speech shows, he did not want France entirely out of North Africa. However, he had criticized French action already in early 1950s Indochina. And in 1957 he met with Abdelkader Chanderli (1915-1993), an unaccredited representative of the FLN at the United Nations in New York and in Washington, DC, and a linchpin of the FLN’s successful international offensive described in Matthew Connelly’s A Diplomatic Revolution: Algeria’s Fight for Independence and the Origins of the Post-Cold War Era (2002). Thus, Kennedy supported the FLN’s demand for independence, which explains its very positive reaction to his speech. And thus, unlike the 1952-1960 Republican administration of Dwight Eisenhower (1890-1969) that officially backed the views of NATO ally France and kept delivering arms, the Democratic senator diagnosed a “war” by “Western imperialism” that, together with if different from “Soviet imperialism,” is “the great enemy of … the most powerful single force in the world today: ... man's eternal desire to be free and independent.” (In fact, Kennedy’s speech on the Algerian example of Western imperialism was the first of two, the second concerning the Polish example of Sovietimperialism. On another, domestic note, to support African Algeria’s independence was an attempt to woe civil-rights-movement-era African Americans without enraging white voters.) To be sure, Kennedy saw France as an ally, too. But France’s war was tainting Washington too much, which helped Moscow. In Kennedy’s eyes, to support the US Cold War against the Soviet Union meant granting Algeria independence. The official French line was the exact opposite: only continued French presence in Algeria could keep Moscow and its Egyptian puppet, President Gamal Abdel Nasser, from controlling the Mediterranean and encroaching on Africa.
May 10, 1982	Excerpts of Talks between Leading Comrades and Foreign Guests (No. 5) A summary of Premier Zhao Ziyang's talk about Chinese foreign policy with Guinea-Bissau Chairman João Bernardo Vieira.
November 26, 1982	Excerpts of Talks between Leading Comrades and Foreign Guests (Supplement No. 2) A Chinese Communist Party digest summarizing a recent meeting between Hu Yaobang and a delegation of the French Communist Party.
October 4, 1982	Excerpts of Talks between Leading Comrades and Foreign Guests (No. 8) A Chinese Communist Party digest summarizing recent meetings held between Deng Xiaoping and UN Secretary-General Pérez de Cuéllar and French National Assembly Speaker Louis Mermaz.
March 3, 1982	Excerpts of Talks between Leading Comrades and Foreign Guests (No. 2) A Chinese Communist Party digest summarizing a meeting held between Deng Xiaoping and Norodom Sihanouk.
September 19, 1969	Notes Kept during the Verbal Report given to the First Secretary of the CC of the PLA, Comrade Enver Hoxha, on 19 September 1969, by Comrade Rita Marko The Albanian Party leadership discusses recent meetings with the Chinese Communist Party, the state of Sino-Soviet relations, and the funeral of Ho Chi Minh.