The Albanian Ambassador in Beijing Reiz Malile writes to the Prime Minister, Mehmet Shehu, and reports on his discussion with Marshal Chen Yi, the Chinese foreign minister, about a possible visit from the President of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam Ho Chi Minh to Tirana. Chen Yi suggests that Malile go to Vietnam for a national celebration and he promises a Chinese plane as transportation for his trip.

This document is a telegram from the Foreign Affairs Minister of North Vietnam Ung Van Khiem to the Albanian Foreign Affairs Minister Behar Shtylla. Van Khiem describes to Shtylla the history of American-Vietnamese relations from the 1954 Geneva Convention until 1961. Van Khiem stresses that the situation in South Vietnam has worsened after President Kennedy took office. During May 1961, Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson came to Saigon and discussed with the President of the Republic of Vietnam Ngo Dinh Diem the prospect of enlarging American presence in South Vietnam. Since that time the South Vietnamese government, with American support, organized internment camps and a cordon sanitaire in the area of the South Vietnamese borders with Laos and Cambodia. Van Khiem sees these actions as menacing to peace in Indochina, and Southeast Asia more generally. The North Vietnamese government, abiding by the Geneva Convention on Indochina, proposed organizing a conference with the South Vietnamese authorities in order to discuss free elections throughout the country and the reunification of Vietnam. The government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam denounced the American plans to enlarge the scope of aggressive actions in Vietnam and, especially, the plan to deploy the U.S. Army in South Vietnam.

This document is a report on a meeting between the Democratic Republic of Vietnam's representative, Nguyen Ngoc-Son, with an Albanian official, Qemal Rahmanaj. Nguyen-Ngoc-Son reveals the American and South Vietnamese 1955 plan concerning marching into North Vietnam and establishing order in the South. In 1961 the plan is carried out in 3 phases. In phase 1, the Americans and the South Vietnamese government cooperated to create order in South Vietnam and establish American bases in North Vietnam. Phase 2 includes improving the military capability of the U.S. army and commencing sabotage operations in the North. Phase 3 includes developing the South Vietnamese economy and the beginning of military operations against North Vietnam. Alarmingly, the frequency of attacks against North Vietnam increases even further in 1964. Because of this, the ambassador asks for a press conference to inform Albanian media about the situation in Vietnam.

This document is a letter from the United Arab Republic President Gamal Abdel Nasser to Haxhi Lleshi, the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Council of the People's Republic of Albania. President Nasser appreciates the support of the People’s Republic of Albania for the UAR struggle against imperialism and Zionism. Nasser reveals that the policy of the UAR is based on the principle of non-alignment in order to decrease the chance of hostilities between the two blocs and to increase the prospect of peace. In addition, the UAR objects having foreign bases or foreign troops on its territory and asks for their liquidation elsewhere. In the case of a Soviet ship anchoring at a UAR port, this does not imply that the Soviet Union uses that port as its own base. Nasser also adds that the United States openly supports Israel and its 6th Fleet is a sign of an American guarantee to Israel in its ventures directed against the UAR. On the other hand, the presence of Soviet fleet units in the Mediterranean has hindered the transformation of the region into an American lake. As a consequence, the Soviet presence in the Mediterranean establishes equilibrium there. This document contains both the original Arabic letter and the Albanian translation of the original.

This report documents a meeting between the Ambassador of the United Arab Republic (UAR) Gamal Eldin Sabet with Reiz Malile, the Albanian Ambassador to China. The Ambassador declared that there are no Soviet bases in the UAR and that his country would never accept the fact that military sea bases in the UAR would be exploited for aggression against the People’s Republic of Albania, with whom the UAR has friendly relations. Nevertheless, the ambassador stresses that this is his opinion and not the official opinion of the government of the UAR.

This is a telegram from the 1st Secretary of the Party of Labor of Albania Enver Hoxha to President Ho Chi Minh delivered via the Albanian Ambassador to Moscow Gac Mazi. This telegram discusses the possible visit of Ho Chi Minh to Tirana. Hoxha orders Mazi to contact Ho Chi Minh urgently and deliver a copy of the telegram to him. Enver Hoxha believes that the disputes between the various leaders of the socialist countries in Europe and the Party of Labor in Albania are serious and cannot be resolved simply or immediately. He assigns the blame for these disputes to the leaders of the other socialist countries. Hoxha asks Ho Chi Minh to talk to these leaders about these disputes before coming to Tirana. The reason for this is that other European communist leaders have begun denigrating the Party of Labor of Albania, the Albanian government, and the Albanian people. Hoxha writes that the Albanian leadership is still carefully analyzing the causes of the disputes. Lastly, he informs Ho Chi Minh that he will be ready to discuss the Tirana trip further in the second half of November of 1961.

This document is a telegram from the Albanian Ambassador in Baghdad, Ulvi Lulo, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Albania dealing with the preparation of the upcoming conference of non-aligned countries. The ambassador writes that there are disputes among the leaders of the non-aligned states on the location of the conference. Nasser, Nehru and Castro ask for the conference to take place on the territory of their respective countries. In addition, Nehru requests that certain neutral Western countries such as Sweden, Austria, and Switzerland, should participate in the conference. According to Lulo, these Western countries are supporters of American policy.

Nase writes that the Soviet government carefully attempts to give the conference of non-aligned countries an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist character. The Soviet position on these issues is based on the resolution prepared by Asian and African countries in the 15th session of the UN on disarmament, which in the end was not voted upon, and on the declaration on decolonization approved by the UN.

The ambassador informs the Ministry that the conference of non-aligned countries is still in session, and is divided into three groups. Balili calls the first group “rightists”, which includes India and Yugoslavia among others. He calls the second group “leftists”, which includes Cuba, Guinea, Somalia, etc. The last group, according to Balili, are the “centrists” which include the United Arab Republic, Ghana, etc. In this telegram, Balili describes the contentions between the three groups.

The new ambassador to China and to the DRV, Reiz Malile, reports on his meetings with Vietnamese leaders during his visit to Vietnam on 14 – 28 of April 1962. Malile states that he met DRV President Ho Chi Minh, the Prime Minister of the DRV, Fam Van Dong, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the DRV, Ung Van Khiem, and 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Working Party of Vietnam, Le Duan. In his discussions, they support the Albanian government's stance on Khrushchev and the Soviet leadership in general. Meanwhile, the Vietnamese leaders avoid discussions targeted against the Soviet Union and, instead, propose the need for unity in the international communist movement. They also ask to stop the polemic in the media in order for the other bloc not to profit from the internal disputes of the communist camp. According to Malile, among the Vietnamese leadership there is a strong spirit not to cause a break with the Soviet Union. Malile claims that the Vietnamese communists are not fully informed on Albanian-Soviet disputes, which they view as simple disagreements between brothers. According to Malile, there is a great deal of Chinese and Soviet propaganda concerning the political international situation that presents differing points of view.