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Documents

October 19, 1964	J.S. Mehta, 'China's Bomb and Its Consequences on her Nuclear and Political Strategy' Analysis of the recent Chinese nuclear weapon test and it's strategic implications for China's diplomatic and military policies.
September 29, 1967	Report, 'Nuclear Planning Group's decisions, meeting at ministerial level' The document presents NPG's decisions about the topics recently discussed at a meeting at the level of Ministers of Defense just concluded (Ankara, 28th-29th September 1967). The topics addressed were: ADM, tactical nuclear weapons, ABM, national participation in the military planning with regards to nuclear issues.
October 6, 1967	General Staff of Defense (SMD), 'Summary Report of the 2nd Nuclear Planning Group meeting at the level of Ministers of Defense (Ankara, 28-29 September 1967)' The document reports the evolution of the meeting. Italy was there represented by the new Minister of Defense Tremelloni, the Chief of Staff Aloia, the diplomat Alessandrini (RICA) and others. Topics discussed: possible use of ADM; possible use of tactical nuclear weapons; ABM; Italian participation in military nuclear planning; information about the nuclear weapons deployed in NATO countries. Aloia believes that the discussion was fruitful, keeping in mind the complexity of the nuclear issues, that have just recently been able to count on permanent bodies appropriate to deal with them at a political level. France's negative behavior caused a postponement of the discussion about many military-political topics in the last years.
January 1, 1987	Message by Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Directorate General for Political Affairs and Security (DGAP), 'Visit of Nitze and Perle in Rome - ABM-SDI issue' In preparation to receive Nitze and Perle in Rome, the memo discusses the European concerns vis-à-vis what is seen as American intentions to abandon the ABM treaty. The document focuses on the Italian perspective and lists questions to be posed during the visit.
February 7, 1987	Memorandum by Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Directorate General for Political Affairs and Security (DGAP), 'Prospects on the acceleration of the SDI program' Assistant Secretary of State, Holmes participates in a SCG meeting to address allies' questions and concerns related to the proposed acceleration of the SDI program.
December 10, 1957	Letter, Nikolai Bulganin to Dwight D. Eisenhower Bulganin proposes a halt on nuclear tests among the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom beginning on January 1, 1958.
January 1966	Excerpt of an Indian Document on Chinese Nuclear Delivery Capability An excerpt of a document recovered from the Air India 101 crash assessing China's military capabilities.
June 6, 1985	Memorandum by Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Security and disarmament' A detailed account of the developments in the Strategic Defense Initiative, ABM treaty, and negotiations between the superpowers. The document also assesses the ongoing negotiations on the ban of Chemical Weapons.
August 14, 1967	Intelligence Note 669 from Thomas L. Hughes to the Secretary, 'Tests of Soviet Fractional Orbital Bombardment System (FOBS)' Soviet tests of a fractional orbital bombardment system (FOBS) attracted the interest of the US intelligence community because of the unique challenges it posed to defenses. At that point, August 1967, the US had no means to detect a FOBs attack but INR noted that a satellite detection system would be operational during 1970. This was a reference to the secret Defense Support Program (DSP), which would use infrared technology to detect missile launches and reduce any surprise advantage from the FOBs. The Soviets recognized this and later retired their twenty or so ICBMs with FOBs capabilities in 1983.
May 30, 1967	Intelligence Note 418 from George C. Denney, Jr., to the Secretary, 'Probable Effects of Chinese Possession of MRBMs on Vietnam War' A prospective Chinese MRBM force led INR to consider whether Beijing would believe that it had more freedom of action to step up its involvement in the Vietnam War: it “might feel freer in extending aid to Hanoi and becoming more involved in the war if US pressure on the North Vietnamese seemed to require it.”