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January 13, 1988

Letter from Fidel Castro the International Olympic Committee President Juan Antonio Samaranch

Letter from Fidel Castro the IOC President Juan Antonio Samaranch

November 11, 1986

Statement by M.S. Gorbachev: “The Amelioration of the International Situation, Strengthening of Peace”

Statement by M.S. Gorbachev: “The Amelioration of the International Situation, Strengthening of Peace”

May 16, 1986

Conversation between the Secretary of the CC CPSU A.N. Yakovlev with the Secretary of the CC KWP Hwang Jang-yeop

Conversation between the Secretary of the CC CPSU A.N. Yakovlev with the Secretary of the CC KWP Hwang Jang-yeop

April 25, 1986

Meeting between President Chun Doo Hwan and President Samaranch

Meeting between President Chun Doo Hwan and President Samaranch

December 4, 1984

Letter from International Olympic Committee (IOC) President Juan Antonio Samaranch to Fidel Castro

Letter from Juan Antonio Samaranch, President of the International Olympic Committee, to Cuban leader Fidel Castro on the 1988 Olympic Games in Seoul

November 29, 1984

Letter from Fidel Castro to the President of the International Olympic Committee Juan Antonio Samaranch

Letter from Cuban leader Fidel Castro the President of the International Olympic Committee Juan Antonio Samaranch on the 1988 Seoul Olympics

October 12, 1976

Intelligence Community Staff, Director of Performance Evaluation and Improvement, to Deputy to the Director of Central Intelligence for the Intelligence Community, 'Nuclear Proliferation and the Intelligence Community'

As this report indicates, the recommendations made in the 1974 post-mortem of the Indian nuclear test failure had little impact. The authors identified a basic disconnect between “national level users”—-the top policymakers-—and those who “set analytical and collection priorities in the intelligence community.” The latter were not sure how high a priority that the policymakers had given to nuclear proliferation intelligence. Moreover, a study for the Defense Department produced by MIT chemistry professor (and future DCI) John Deutch questioned whether the intelligence community “is adequately focused and tasked on proliferation matters.” This would be a recurring problem for the CIA and other intelligence agencies.

May 18, 1974

US Embassy India Cable 6598 to State Department, 'India’s Nuclear Explosion: Why Now?'

Having written off an early test, the day that it took place the Embassy scrambled to come up with an explanation. Deputy Chief of Mission David Schneider signed off on the telegram because Moynihan was in London. While the Embassy had no insight on the decision-making, it saw domestic politics and “psychological” explanations for the test: the need to offset domestic “gloom” and the need for India to “be taken seriously.” According to the telegram, “the decision will appeal to nationalist feeling and will be widely welcomed by the Indian populace.”

May 17, 1973

US Embassy India Cable 5797 to State Department forwarding Bombay consulate cable 983, 'India’s Nuclear Position'

A follow up to John J. Pinajian's 4 April 1973 report on "India's Nuclear Position." Pinajian got some access to the Bhabha Atomic Research Center, but noticed the absence of personnel responsible for experimental work. Moreover, he was getting cooperation from the Institute for Fundamental Research to conduct an experiment.

April 4, 1973

Bombay consulate cable 705 to Department of State, 'India’s Nuclear Position'

The possibility that India had made a decision to test surfaced in a message from the U.S. consulate in Bombay (Mumbai) signed off by Consul David M. Bane. The latter reported that Oak Ridge Laboratory scientist John J. Pinajian, then serving as the Atomic Energy Commission’s scientific representative in India, had pointed out several “indications”—-notably his lack of access to key individuals and facilities in India’s atomic establishment--suggesting that India “may well have decided” to test a nuclear device. While stating that Pinajian’s evaluation was “subjective and impressionistic,” Consul Bane agreed that the atomic energy establishment did not want this American poking around because he might find out too much. Bane further observed that a nuclear test “in the not too distant future” could meet India’s political goals and help attain “greater recognition major power status.”

Pagination