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Documents

May 1939

'Muqarrarat mu'tamar mukafahat al-fashishtiyya' ('The Resolutions of the Conference for the Fight against Fascism')

The text printed here is the resolution to the Conference for Combatting Fascism held in May 1939 held in Beirut, originally printed in Arabic in an issue of the Beirut-based leftist journal Tali‘a.

Led by leftists, including communists, the conference was a well-publicized and well-attended call for action against Nazism and Fascism. It affirmed an alliance, against Nazi Germany (and Fascist Italy) with France, the Mandate occupier of Lebanon and Syria. At the same time, it insisted on the pressing need for political progress. Most important was the ratification by the French parliament, of the 1936 Franco-Syrian and Franco-Lebanese agreements that, like the 1930 Anglo-Iraqi Agreement, would have ended the Mandate and granted Lebanon and Syria far-reaching sovereignty while preserving key French strategic interests. (Ratification never occurred.) In August 1939, the Soviet-German Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact forced communists to adjust their language also in the French Mandates. Here and in other Arab countries like Palestine and Egypt, a majority of people whose written records we possess and perhaps also many other inhabitants, felt caution if not aversion towards Nazi Germany and Fascism Italy. They disliked how those two states organized their societies; were concerned about those states’ territorial ends in the Middle East (which, however, were in the late 1930s actual only in Italy’s case); and feared especially Nazi racism for potentially targeting them, like the Jews, as “Semites,” as Israel Gershoni’s edited volume Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism: Attraction and Repulsion (2014) and Götz Nordbruch’s Nazism in Syria and Lebanon (2009) show.

At the same time, a considerable minority drew open inspiration from Nazi (and other European extreme rightwing) authoritarianism: its cult of a strong leaders, its emphasis on youth as national(ist) revivers, and its style and organizational forms, including salutes, uniforms, marches, and street brawls. Moreover, a small minority from the later 1930s sought to create a political-military alliance with Germany. Until 1939, Germany prevaricated, loath to provoke Britain, the principal power in the interwar Middle East. Thereafter, it did work with colonized nationalists who, as David Motadel’s “The Global Authoritarian Moment” (2019) has shown, were willing to work with Berlin to become independent. Among them were some Arabs like Hajj Amin al-Husseini (1895-1974), an exiled Palestinian leader whose wartime deeds and open anti-Semitism soon was, in the eyes of many, proof that Arabs in general had supported the Nazis.

May 1939

'Mukafahat al-fashishtiyya!' ('Combatting Fascism!')

The text printed here is the editor’s preface in Arabic in an issue of the Beirut-based leftist journal Tali‘a that was dedicated to the Conference for Combatting Fascism held in May 1939 in Beirut.

Led by leftists, including communists, the conference was a well-publicized and well-attended call for action against Nazism and Fascism. It affirmed an alliance, against Nazi Germany (and Fascist Italy) with France, the Mandate occupier of Lebanon and Syria. At the same time, it insisted on the pressing need for political progress. Most important was the ratification by the French parliament, of the 1936 Franco-Syrian and Franco-Lebanese agreements that, like the 1930 Anglo-Iraqi Agreement, would have ended the Mandate and granted Lebanon and Syria far-reaching sovereignty while preserving key French strategic interests. (Ratification never occurred.) In August 1939, the Soviet-German Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact forced communists to adjust their language also in the French Mandates. Here and in other Arab countries like Palestine and Egypt, a majority of people whose written records we possess and perhaps also many other inhabitants, felt caution if not aversion towards Nazi Germany and Fascism Italy. They disliked how those two states organized their societies; were concerned about those states’ territorial ends in the Middle East (which, however, were in the late 1930s actual only in Italy’s case); and feared especially Nazi racism for potentially targeting them, like the Jews, as “Semites,” as Israel Gershoni’s edited volume Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism: Attraction and Repulsion (2014) and Götz Nordbruch’s Nazism in Syria and Lebanon (2009) show.

At the same time, a considerable minority drew open inspiration from Nazi (and other European extreme rightwing) authoritarianism: its cult of a strong leaders, its emphasis on youth as national(ist) revivers, and its style and organizational forms, including salutes, uniforms, marches, and street brawls. Moreover, a small minority from the later 1930s sought to create a political-military alliance with Germany. Until 1939, Germany prevaricated, loath to provoke Britain, the principal power in the interwar Middle East. Thereafter, it did work with colonized nationalists who, as David Motadel’s “The Global Authoritarian Moment” (2019) has shown, were willing to work with Berlin to become independent. Among them were some Arabs like Hajj Amin al-Husseini (1895-1974), an exiled Palestinian leader whose wartime deeds and open anti-Semitism soon was, in the eyes of many, proof that Arabs in general had supported the Nazis.

September 4, 1969

Record of Meeting between Minister Aichi and Premier Kosygin

Japanese Foreign Minister Aichi and Soviet Premier Kosygin discuss bilateral relations, disputed territories, the legacies of World War II, China, and the NPT.

August 1, 1961

Summary of Comments by N. S. Khrushchev concerning the Question of the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty with the German Democratic Republic

Khrushchev remembers the signing of peace agreement with Japan and the exclusion of the Soviet Union from it. He criticizes the politics of Adenauer and warns about the destructive effects of potential world war. Khrushchev suggests signing the peace agreement to avoid the possibility of a nuclear war against the US and its allies

July 5, 1956

Gazette of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, 1956, No. 25 (Overall Issue No. 51)

This issue includes a statement about Sino-Cambodian economic aid and discusses the fate of those who committed war crimes during the Japanese invasion of China. It also addresses matters related to construction and design. One section considers the accuracy of Chinese terms for Islam.

September 10, 1955

Gazette of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, 1955, No. 14 (Overall Issue No. 17)

This issue begins with orders related to grain conservation. It also includes a statement regarding the departure of Japanese who stayed in China after World War II and documents that address China's exclusion from the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Other sections cover cooperation between Chinese and East German scientists, Sino-Egyptian trade negotiations, and regulations for graduate students in the Chinese Academy of Sciences.

April 21, 1955

Gazette of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, 1955, No. 5 (Overall Issue No. 8)

This issue begins with an announcement from Mao Zedong to end the state of war between China and Germany. It then features several reports about the Bandung Asian-African Conference in Indonesia, including a statement about the bomb explosion that sought to target Zhou Enlai on the way there. Other sections cover topics such as Sino-Indian relations, the creation of a Third Ministry of Machine Building to oversee developments in aviation, and the establishment of ethnic autonomous areas.

September 1945

Atomic Bomb (Report of the Group of [Soviet] Embassy Staff Members Who Visited Hiroshima)

A group of staff members from the Soviet Embassy in Tokyo interviewed Japanese witnesses of the atomic bomb explosions in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. They found that the two bombs wreaked havoc on the bodies of those within a small radius of the explosion; most survivors exhibited severe burns, a decreased white blood cell count, and injuries from broken glass. Witnesses from outside this radius faced less severe injuries, and the Embassy staff note that the Japanese press has been exaggerating the effects of the atomic bomb in order to justify the nation’s unconditional surrender.

September 1945

G.J. Malik, 'Clarifications on the Compilation [about the Atomic Bomb]'

Soviet ambassador Yakov Malik introduces a compilation of eyewitness materials and data gathered in the aftermath of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Staff members from the Soviet embassy in Tokyo were sent to survey the explosion sites, speaking personally with survivors and capturing footage of the affected cities.

September 23, 1944

The Battle for Warsaw

Stalin updates Harriman and Kerr on the Battle for Warsaw and what the Red Army has encountered as it advances toward Warsaw.

Pagination