Summary of Prime Minister Nakasone’s Visit to China (Part 3) (Discussion with Chairman Deng Xiaoping)

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Summary of Prime Minister Nakasone’s Visit to China (Part 3)

(Discussion with Chairman Deng Xiaoping)

November 9, 1986

China Division, Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Following is a summary of the discussion between Prime Minister Nakasone and Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, which took place on 9 November, from 10:00 to 11:00 in the evening, in the Great Hall of the People.

1. Beginning Remarks

Prime Minister Nakasone said to the effect that, without a doubt, our generation’s friendly relations are strongly advancing; that he hopes that they continue doing so until the twenty-first century; and that, although there is no worry about this century, we must think clearly about the coming century. Chinese leader Deng responded to the effect that there was no reason for Japan and China not to be friendly with one another.

Furthermore, Chinese leader Deng said that, because Premier Zhao is the manager of China, there must have been various things discussed. The Primer Minister responded to the effect that, as he had received various tasks, he wanted to take them home and study them.

2. Political System Reform (Chinese Leader Deng’s Remarks)

(Responding to the Prime Minister’s question of what he considered to be reform of the political system)

(1) We have not yet found all the solutions.

(2) We are now considering three goals. The first one is to preserve the vitality of the Party and state. Vitality means the rejuvenation of the leadership and the Four Modernizations in personnel: making them more revolutionary, younger, more intellectual, and more professional.

We cannot bring about rejuvenation in three or four years. We will probably take a step forward at the 13th Party Congress, take yet another step forward at the 14th Party Congress (1992), and achieve rejuvenation at the 15th Party Congress (1997). Thinking of that time, as I (Chinese leader Deng) am 83 years old now, I would be 93 then.

However, establishing goals is necessary. It is good from this point forward that politicians, scholars, scientists, persons of culture, and others in their 30s and 40s emerge in China. I would like to adopt a policy of selecting the best young persons. This is an issue related to education as well.

(3) The second goal is to overcome bureaucratism and increase efficiency. There are many persons who are sluggish in their work. Party and government structures are redundant. The Party is responsible for guidance; making this work more efficient is important. We know well that Japan, having made plans in the 1960s and 70s for greater efficiency, made extraordinary advances. Development these days, particularly in science and technology, is rapid. Fall behind one year, and one cannot easily recover.

(4) The third goal is to motivate the people. We must motivate all of them: workers, peasants, and intellectuals. We have been promoting reform for seven years, first motivating the peasants, then pushing authority down to lower levels. I would like to do something similar in other matters. This is related to the democratization of management. This, too, is something that Japan has done well.

(5) The consequence of all this is that the Four Modernizations are linked. The present reform of the political structure is an important and urgent matter but, because we lack experience, we must move forward while searching our way.

3. US-Soviet Summit Talks (Chinese Leader Deng’s Remarks)

(Responding to the Prime Minister’s question of what he thought of the US-Soviet summit talks in Iceland)

We always approve of dialogue. The talks in Iceland themselves were a good thing. I think that, recently, the Americans and Soviets themselves do not have such a low opinion of the results of the talks. If the dialogue were expanded, tensions would ease, which would be a very good thing.

4. Sino-Soviet Relations (Chinese Leader Deng’s Remarks)

(Responding to the Prime Minister’s question on what he thought of recent Soviet diplomacy, in referring to the Vladivostok speech)

(1) (He responded in the same way as he did in an encounter with someone from a US television station.) The Soviet Union has not changed its way. It is the same regarding China as well. Much of it is without substance. There is not much substance in regard to their removing the Three Obstacles.

(2) I am prepared to meet General Secretary Gorbachev if the obstacle concerning Cambodia is removed. One of the major obstacles to Sino-Soviet relations, when all is said and done, is the Cambodia problem.

5. US-China Relations

(Responding to the Prime Minister’s inquiry regarding relations between the United States and China)

The United States does not wish to go all that far. China is the same. China acts with independence and autonomy.

6. Relations with the Philippines (Chinese Leader Deng’s Remarks)

(Responding to the Prime Minister’s question as to whether the administration of President Aquino was basically heading in a sound direction)

We are not doing anything that would trouble the Aquino administration.

(The Prime Minister responded in saying that he would be happy to convey this remark to President Aquino when he met her tomorrow. Chinese leader Deng then expressed his thanks and said that he would like him to convey his remark.)

7. Marxism-Leninism (Chinese Leader Deng’s Remarks)

(Responding to the Prime Minister’s question whether it would be correct to interpret China as creatively developing Marxism-Leninism, which is already over 100 years old)

(1) Marxism-Leninism is something that we must develop. We must not teach it as something dogmatic but in a form suitable to Chinese conditions. The same can be said for all socialist countries. Consequently, there is no center of Leninism.

(2) China, along with insisting on independence and autonomy, attaches great importance to the Four Haves (ideals, morality, culture, and discipline). In particular, I would like to make ideals and discipline important in the education of our young people.

As for public elections in China, we must think of them 20 or 30 years in the future. They are still too much for China now. I would like to have China, while preserving the Four Haves, struggle for modernization.