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August 4, 1978

Cable No. 1531, Ambassador Sato to the Foreign Minister, 'Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and China Negotiations (11th Meeting)'

極秘

 

総番号 (TA) R056009  5520  主管

 

78年  月04日18時25分 中国発

 

78年08月04日19時43分 本省着   ア局長

 

外務大臣殿    大使

 

日中平和友好条約交渉(第11回会談)

 

第1531号 極秘 大至急

 

(限定配布)

 

往電第1530号別電

 

はじめに、昨日の会談における韓副部長の御発言に関して、一点だけわれわれの意見を述べる。韓副部長は、日本の提案は、ソ連の圧力にくつぷくしたものであるとの趣旨を言われた。わが国の対ソ政策については再三にわたつて中国側に御説明したが、わが国が日中平和友好条約を締結するに当つて、ソ連の思わくを気にしたり、その圧力にくつぷくしたりすることはないことを、ここに再び明言しておきたいと思う。中国側において、日本がソ連を恐れてその思わくを気にしていると思い込まれ、日本側の発言や提案をその前提で理解されるということになると、われわれとしては、この交渉において共通点を拡大して双方とも満足のできる解決を見出すということが困難となると考えざるを得ない。

 

 昨日、韓副部長は、中国側はちゆう心より条約の早期締結を希望していると言われた。日本側も、条約の早期締結を希望する点において、中国側になんらおとるものではない。日本側は、中国側と同様、日中共同声明を基礎として平和友好条約を早期に締結することが両国及び両国国民の利益に合致するものと確信している。このような立場に立ち、日本政府は、政治的かく度から大局に着がんし、双方の立場を平等にかつ十分にかん案した次の新提案を行なうこととした。

 

 われわれの提案は、日本側条約案第3条第1文を、「この条約は、第三国との関係に関する各締約国の立場に影響を及ぼすものと解してはならない。」と代えるというものである。

 

第一に、日中両国とも独自の外交政策を有しており、互いにこれに干渉しないことは、これまでの会談において双方が確認したところである。日本側の新提案は、この点を明確に反えいせんとするものである。

 

 第二に、わが国が何れの国とも友好関係を維持発展させるよう努力することを基本的外交方針としていることについては、中国側の御理解をいただけたものと考える。日本側は、この条約により日中両国それぞれの基本的外交方針が何ら影響されないことを明確にしたいと考える。

 

 わが方の新提案は、中国側の考え方を十分そん重し、あわせて上述のわが国の考え方をも最小限満たすものとして、本国政府と当代表団の間でしん重かつ入念に検討の結果、得られたものである。

 

 日本側は、反は権がソ連に対するものではないというようなことを言つてはいないし、今後とも言うつもりはない。ソ連であれ、他のいかなる国であれ、は権を求める国があれば、これに反対の立場を取るというのが日中共同声明にも明記された日中両国の立場であり、わが国のこの立場は不動である。本日のわが方の新しい提案は、このようなわが国の不動の立場を何ら変更するものではない。

 

以上、日本側の新提案について説明した。この案は、日本側として日中双方の立場を最大限かん案して作成したものであり、必ずや中国側の理解をいただけると考えている。中国側がこの案を真けんに検討され、これに同意されることを心から期待する。

 

(了)

 

Number: (TA) R056009     5520

Primary: Asian Affairs Bureau Director-General

 

Sent: China, August 4, 1978, 18:25

Received: MOFA, August 4, 1978, 19:43

 

To: The Foreign Minister      

From: Ambassador Sato

 

Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and China Negotiations (11th Meeting)

 

No. 1531 Secret Top Urgent

(Limited Distribution)

Outgoing Telegram 1530 Separate Telegram

 

First, I will state our view on a sole point concerning Vice Minister Han’s statement in yesterday’s meeting. Vice Minister Han spoke to the effect that Japan’s draft is one bowing under Soviet pressure. I have repeatedly explained to the Chinese side our country’s Soviet policy, but I would like to declare again here that, in concluding the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and China, our country does not worry about Soviet thinking and does not bow to Soviet pressure. When the Chinese side is under the impression that Japan is afraid of the Soviet Union and worries about its thinking, when the Chinese side perceives on that premise the Japanese side’s statements and proposals, then I cannot but think that it will be difficult for us in these negotiations to expand points in common and find a settlement satisfactory to both sides.

 

Yesterday Vice Minister Han said that the Chinese side sincerely hopes for the treaty’s early conclusion. The Japanese side, too, no less than the Chinese side, hopes for the treaty’s early conclusion. The Japanese side, the same as the Chinese side, firmly believes that an early conclusion of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship on the basis of the Japan-China Joint Communique is in conformity with the interests and desires of our two countries and the peoples of our two countries. Taking such a position, the Government of Japan decided to present the following new proposal, focused on the overall situation from a political angle and equally and fully taking into account the positions of both sides.

 

Our proposal is to replace Sentence 1, Article 3, of the Japanese side’s treaty draft with “This treaty must not be understood as influencing the position of either contracting party concerning relations with any third country.”

 

First, in our meetings to date, both sides have recognized that Japan and China each has an independent diplomatic policy and that neither interferes in the diplomatic policy of the other. The Japanese side’s new proposal attempts to make clear this point.

 

Second, I think that we were able to have the Chinese side’s understanding in regard to our country’s setting as its basic diplomatic policy that of working to maintain and develop friendly relations with any country. The Japanese side would like to make clear that neither Japan nor China’s basic diplomatic policy will be in any way affected by this treaty.

 

Our side’s new proposal, which fully respects the Chinese side’s thinking and minimally satisfies our country’s aforementioned thinking, is one obtained as the result of careful and painstaking examination between my country’s government and this delegation.

 

The Japanese side is not saying that opposition to hegemony is not directed against the Soviet Union, nor do we intend to say such a thing from this point hereafter. Whether the Soviet Union or any other country, if there is a country that seeks hegemony, adopting a position of opposition to it is the position of both Japan and China, which is specified in the Japan-China Joint Communique. Our side’s new proposal today in no way changes such a steadfast position of our country.

 

I have thus explained the Japanese side’s new proposal. I think that this draft is one that the Japanese side has made with maximum consideration for the positions of the Japanese and Chinese sides and that surely will be able to have the Chinese side’s understanding.  I sincerely hope that the Chinese side will carefully examine this draft and agree to it.

 

(End)

 

 

Statement from the Ambassador to the Foreign Minister explaining the language in the Japanese draft and how it alludes to the Soviet Union.


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2010-367, Act on Access to Information Held by Administrative Organs. Also available at the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. Contributed by Yutaka Kanda and translated by Stephen Mercado.

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